- История Англии XV-XVII
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- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1598
IN the middest of these cares for Ireland came others also out of France. For the French King, though he had recovered Amiens, yet being weary of the warres, and tired with the daily suits of his Subjects and sollicitations of the Bishop of Rome, signified to the Queene by Masy, towards the end of the last yeere, that he had had conferences with the Spaniards Ministers concerning a peace, but yet he was determined to prosecute it no farther without her consent, and the consent of the confederate Estates, forasmuch as he had contracted with them both a most straight League of offence and defence with that condition. He prayed therefore that some might be sent out of England and Holland to consult about this matter, and heare what things would be propounded.
2. The Queene to satisfie the French King sent into France Sir Robert Cecyl her principall Secretary, John Herbert Master of Requests, and Thomas Wilkes, who died there soone after he landed. The Estates sent Justin Nashaw and John Oldenbarnevelt and others withall into England to dehort [dissuade] the Queene from peace. The English amongst their instructions had these: To learne by what beginning this mention of peace was first moved, how farre it had proceeded, whether it was propounded bona fide, for that the Spaniards had dealt cunningly in the treaty of Borburg; also what security should be given to the Estates confederate, if they consented to the treaty. And also to propound (forasmuch as the French King had signified that this treaty should be after the manner of the treaty of the Castell of Cambray, in restoring to every one his owne) concerning the restitution of Calys [Calais] to the English for money due by the French King, which was farre more then so small a Towne could be estimated at. A clause also was added that they should treat nothing at all, unlesse the Estates also gave their assent.
3. The King had now begunne a journey into Britaine to recover that Country; for the Duke of Mercure agreed not well with the Spaniards because he would not deliver Nants into their hands. Cecil by long journeyes overtooke him at Angiers. To whom the King, after he had made shew of thankfulnesse for the Queenes great benefits, used a few words to this effect: Although the Queene have begunne a war against the Spaniard, and that with honour, and hath hitherto continued it with happy successe, yet if she will not enter into another manner of warre, the lesser wealth must of necessity at the length yeeld to the greater. For my part, though having beene bred up in Armes, I am taken with love of the warres above all others. Yet seeing I am a King and have a people under my government, there is a conscience to be made of exposing my people to the fury of the warres; and it were a foule sinne, if in an irreligious ambition I should to mine owne detriment, and the detriment of my confederates, refuse peace when it is offered, which cannot be redeemed without blood, and grossely neglect the people committed unto me. Cecil answered that the Queene was not averse from a peace, who having sufficiently avenged her selfe on her enemy, had now no other designe then to provide for the safety and honour of her and hers. Then he required to be informed what conditions of peace the Spaniard propounded, and what should be done concerning the confederate Estates of the Netherlands, in case they would not embrace peace. He acknowledged that the Queene had endamaged the Spaniard, but he had beene endamaged by the Spaniard. That the Spaniard desired peace with all his heart, that he would restore all the places in France that had beene taken away, yea and Calis also; that hee would ere long bring to passe that the Spaniard should be drawne to reasonable conditions of peace with the Queene and the Estates. And he protested openly that it could not be, if he refused the peace that was offered, but France would be involved againe in a new combustion of warres, for he now foresaw that the French people were ready to run into rebellions.
4. Whilest these things are in doing, hee providing for his owne Estate made certaine contracts with the Spaniard about a peace, and those were secretly deposited in the Archduke Alberts hands till a Commission might be sent out of Spaine to conclude a peace. Which when the Queene understood by certaine discoveries, shee began to expostulate the matter with him. But he excused himselfe by the delay which the Queene made, by a certaine urgent necessity, and by the opportunity which was offered, and as it were acting something else, referred the matter to some of his Councell. To them Oldenbarnevelt first declared that the Estates case was by Gods mercy, and the Queenes favour and assistance, brought to that passe that they had beene able not onely to defend themselves, but also to ayd France in her extremities. Then, how earnestly the French King had desired the League of offence and defence with them, which they had willingly contracted for the Queenes sake, out of an assured hope of establishing a generall peace thereby, not once thinking that so great a King would ever have a thought of breaking the same League. That the Estates were not so farre to bee neglected, with whom the Kings both of France and England had made most straight Leagues. After this, he layd forth at large how farre and wide the power of Spaine would extend, to the endangering of France and their neighbours, if the confederate Provinces strong in Armes and wealth should be reduced into their power. He appealed to the French Kings conscience before God, whether it were honourable for the King to separate his cause from them, to whom he had joyned himselfe with so great obtestations, when they had give no cause of separation. He concluded (after many reasons why they could not embrace peace with the Spaniard), That some Kings, to attaine power, had neglected Leagues, but for the most part with sad event. For the State of Kings, unlesse it stand in fidelity, cannot subsist in power. He propounded neverthelesse in the Estates behelfe that if <it> be that the King would hearken no longer to peace, but besiege Calis, they would at their own charge beleager withall some other place that the enemies Forces might be distracted; and besides, for the besieging of Calis they would allow pay for 7000 men, and set forth 25 shippes of warre furnished with munition and provision, so as he to the same siege would supply 3000 horse, 6000 foot, and 6 Peeces of Ordnance. These things the Chancellor of France acknowledged to be matters worthy of consideration, and promised to signifie the same to the King, and that all kindnesses should bee shewed to the confederate Estates that had so well deserved. But he answered that the opportunity of an offered peace to France, now languishing with warres, was not onely to be accepted, but also out of most importune necessity to be apprehended.
5. The Estates now utterly refusing peace, Sir Robert Cecil, who had instructions to treat of a generall peace, could proceed no farther. Yet did he demonstrate to the same Counsailors that the Queene had neither made delayes, who had forthwith sent them into France to knit a peace, nor had denied ayds to the King if he would undertake such a warre against the common enemy as would be commodious to all the confederates. That the necessity, which they amplified beyond beliefe, seemed not so great, all France except one or two Provinces being reduced into the Kings obedience. Concerning the oportunity not to be lost, he could not (said he) dispute with those which preferre opportunity before faith given, and measure the honour of Princes by profit and occasion, and thinke it to consist wholly in providing for their owne affayres. He left it to them to judge whether the King had well requited the Queenes kindnesse, who had both made him as it were an Umpire for peace, and had offered him an auxiliary power of 6000 men for the warre, if he should rather choose that. In conclusion, hee required a further day to deliberate. And when they would not grant this, he prayed them to put the King in minde, with what vowes he had bound himselfe lately before the Earle of Shrewsbury after the ratification of the League, and before by very many letters signed with his owne hand. And he stucke not to affirme that the Queene had offended not at all against the conditions of the League, yea, that she had performed more, but the King had observed nothing; and withall he drew forth the instruments of the League. Hee also modestly put them in minde that some course might be taken whereby those great summes of money formerly lent might be payed unto the Queene; who, being now forsaken, had learned too late to provide more carefully for her owne State in time to come, and not bestow her benefits on ill deservers. At the last, he with the rest was dismissed with gentle answers, and the King acknowledged the Queenes most ample benefits towards him, promising that there was nothing which for her sake he would not most affectionately doe. These things shee tooke most discontentedly, and now and then by letters, and by Sir Thomas Edmonds, Secretary for the French tongue, she kindely and freely admonished him to remember his faith given, and to have regard to his conscience towards God and his reputation amongst men, lest he insnared himselfe through the counsailes of corrupt men; and among her grave admonitions she interlaced these nipping checkes: If there be any sinne in the world against the holy Ghost, it is ingratitude. If you get any more reasonable conditions of peace at the Spaniards hands, you may thanke the English succours for it. Forsake not an old friend, for a new will not be like him. The conscience of a League, and the faithfulnesse of contracts, are not nets to intrap, save onely amongst wicked men. A bundell of rods bound together is not easily broken. There is no easier meanes to overthrow us both, then by disjoyning the one from the other. Which speeches carrying much truth in them he heard with indignation, and shooke off his promises with no other excuse then this, of urgent necessity, seriously pursuing the peace, which shortly after he concluded to the publique good of France, whereby hee was derided amongst the vulgar people throughout England with common by-words against ungratefull Princes.
6. But the truth is, he to salve his honour omitted nothing to make peace also betweene England and Spaine, and dealt with the Archduke about a truce to be agreed upon for certaine moneths, labouring to perswade the Queene thereunto, promising that as hee had before beene a burthen unto her, so now peace being established hee would be a most firme Bullwarke, and at no time would forsake her his sister, to whom he had beene much beholden. And certainely hee expressed his singular good will towards her when the peace was treated at Vervin in France. For above all things there was respect had of her by the French, after that there arose controversie betwixt the Commissioners on both sides for the more honourable place. Concerning this controversie give me leave to insert a few things (which may delight posterity to know) in a short digression, out of the very writing sent under the Commissioners hands to the Archduke, which I have seene. The French Commissiosners stifly claimed the first place by a sentence of Pius Quartus. They which were for the Spaniard admitted not that sentence, as rejected already by the Spaniard, taking it that injury was done to them if the better place were not given them, even by right of hospitality, forasmuch as they were come into a Towne of the French Dominion, which they would never have done but out of an observance towards the Bishop of Rome and the Legate which represented his Person. It was agreed at the length by the labouring of the Popes Legate, that hee himselfe should sit at the upper end of the Boord, the Pope’s Nuncio next him on the right hand, and the choice was given to the French whether they would sit on the right hand next the Nuncio, or on the left hand next the Legate. They chose the left hand as next to the Legate. They which were for the Spaniard willingly tooke the right hand, which they judged to be the better place because it was on the right hand, and the Nuncio was none of the number of the Commissioners; and withall, they thought they conserved their Kings honour unblemished, for if Calgariton Generall of the Franciscans (who tooke very great paines in this businesse) had beene preferred before them, to sit above them next the Legate on the left hand (who according to the humility of a Franciscan had chosen him a place at the end of the Boord over against the Legate), they had determined to have pronounced with a loud voice that they knew well the place to be due to the Catholike King, and the same they would have kept if they had beene delegated by the Catholike King. But seeing they were sent and subdelegated by the Archduke, who would not equall himselfe with the most Christian King, and in their letters of publique warrandize which they received of the most Christian King, were named expresly by no other name then the Archiduke’s Commissioners, they would willingly yeeld the place to the French. For the Spaniard to maintaine his owne dignity had providently given authority to the Archduke, whereby hee might subdelegate others, lest hee should descend immediately into a contention of honour with the French King.
7. As soone as the matter was thus compounded and their Commissions on both sides exhibited, the French tooke it very ill that in that of the Archduke’s there was no mention made of the Queene of England, whereas of the Duke of Savoy there was. It was answered that shee was to be comprehended in the number of the Confederates. When this satisfied not the French, they said the reason was because shee intended nothing but hostility against the Spaniard, and at this very time did infest him with a Fleet. Neither yet were the French content till they passed their faithfull promise that the Spaniard should give a Commission to treat with her, if shee would give any hope of embracing peace.
8. But the peace being concluded betwixt France and Spaine, the French King, who had hitherto abundantly flourished in Martiall glory, having now his affections wholly setled upon peace, did so raise the State of France (which had runne head-long into ruine many yeeres through the stormes of civill warre) by maintaining Religion as well the Roman as the Reformed, restoring the lawes, cherishing learning, renewing commerce, and beautifying the Kingdome with buildings, that he farre surpassed all the Kings of France before him, and bare the name of Henry the Great.
9. The Queene, now with more deepe care providing for her owne state, sent Sir Francis Vere to the Estates, to know whether they would joyne in a treaty of peace; if not, what they would contribute to the warre, and to deale seriously with them that they would now at length repay the charges shee had disbursed for their sake. In the meane time, it was accurately debated in England whether it would be for the benefit of the Queene and Common-wealth to contract a peace with the Spaniard. They which affected peace grounded their opinion upon these reasons: Peace, besides that it is both sweet and profitable, would wipe away that aspersion which is laid upon the English as the disturbers of the whole world, as if they were happy in other mens miseries, and quiet by other mens perils; the Queene would be the more safe from treacherous attempts; there would be an end of the expenses of warre against the Spaniard and the Archduke; the Irish rebellion would be quieted, when the Rebels should have no hope out of Spaine; commerce would be more freely exercised, to the benefit and profit of the Queene and her Subjects; Spaine, which in old times had beene most beneficiall to the English Merchants, would be opened unto them, where they might exchange Wheat for Gold and Silve; the Emperors mandate against the English Merchants in Germany would be revoked; dangers of tumults at home for often payments, taxes and leavies of men, would be avoided; the League of Burgundy would be renewed; so should there be no cause of feare from the French King; England would take breath, and gather wealth against future events; the Queenes reputation also would be provided for, who in the yeere 1585, when the Estates of the Low-Countries had offered her the dominion over them, made publique protestation by bookes set forth in print that in relieving the Netherlanders shee aimed at nothing else but liberty and peace for them, and security to England. If it then seemed a Counsell full of wisedome (as the times were) to have relieved the Netherlanders, and full of Justice to have refused the dominion of so great Provinces when it was offered to beare the charges of the warre, certainely it might now seeme a point of extreme folly to prosecute the warre when peace is offered by the Spaniard, and nothing is offered by those which so much desire warre. Besides, these things are to be examined: Whether England be able to sustain a Warre against the Spaniard in Ireland, the Low-Countries, and else-where. Whether there be any hope, by maintaining warre, to draw him to more reasonable conditions of peace then are now propounded. And it is most considerately to be weighed, seeing without doubt it is most expedient for the English to make a defensive warre (for woe to them when they are faine to defend themselves at home), in what place this warre is to be made. Whether on the Sea-coast of Spaine and Portugall? Certainely the coast Townes may easily be taken and spoyled on both sides, but not kept without very great expense and no profit at all. Or in the Ilses of Azores? These in like manner might bee subdued to the great damage of the Spaniard, but not kept without greater expense. Or in America? But now armed shippes are there disposed every where, and the Sea-coast strengthened with more Garisons then heretofore, and not a graine of Gold, Silver, or Pearle to be hoped for without hazzard. Or in the Low-Countryes hard by? But that would bee a very difficult worke, so thicke is that Countrey set with many most strong fortified Townes, every of which will endure a long siege. Neither could the Estates, with the Forces of the English joyned with them, make any other then a defensive warre untill such time as the Spaniards were diverted to the French warre. Lastly, that axiome of policy is not to be neglected, They which are able to maintaine warre, may finde peace; whey which are not able, never. And the woefull examples of the Athenians and others were alleadged, which refused peace when it was offered. Some there were which added (but they were such, as out of hatred seemed lesse indifferently affected towards the men then towards the cause) that the Estates, whatsoever maske they put on of defending Religion and their liberty, did take away all piety of Religion by tolerating every Religion except the Roman, seeking nothing else but their owne commodity, imposing great accise [excise] upon victuals, and embasing corrupting of coyne, raysing the value at their pleasure, and other such like cunning devices; and thereby they did with singular skill both maintain warre and by the warre grow rich, whereas all other Nations are impoverished by warre. Moreover, by erecting of Monopolies every where, they prevent all others of commerce, and as all that favour a Democraticall government, doe with tacite hatred prosecute Monarchies, have cast out all their Nobility save one or two that are usefull unto them in the warres. And flatly they propound nothing else to themselves (giving thereby a very bad example against Princes) but as the Helvetians did heretofore against the house of Habspurg, so to cantonize themselves against the house of Austria, which is the same; and that not with their owne blood, but with the blood of the English, French, and Scots, who for a little glory are too prodigall of their lives in the cause of other men.
10. Others used such arguments as these against the peace. By peace the Spaniard will heape up such a masse of treasure that if hee brake forth into war again, he will be far stronger then all his neighbours. A sound and faithfull peace cannot but by the Popes dispensation be expected at his hands, who deluded us at Bourburg in the yeare 1588, and beleeveth that no faith is to be kept with heretikes and excommunicate persons. Hee cannot digest the losses he hath received, but boyleth for revenge. A peace being made, the Queene must forsake the Estates of Holland and Zeland, and withall lose her money bestowed upon the warre, or else deliver the cautionary Townes into the enemies hands; the one would be to her dishonour, the other to her damage. The Estates, being forsaken, will be reduced under the obedience of the Spaniard, whereby he will be farre more powerfull in shipping and Forces to infest England; and those Countryes will bee a most commodous seat of the warre against the neighbour kingdomes, to establish the Spanish Monarchy. But be it so, that an offensive warre be in the Low-countries very difficult, in the Azores doubtfull and uncertaine, in the maritime parts of Spaine and Portugall unfruitfull, and every one of them most expencefull. Yet in America it will be most advantagious and profitable; which most vast Country is so thinly inhabited by the Spaniards, and those inhabitants so farre disjoyned that they cannot relieve one another. If therefore a strong Army of 10000 English under an industrious and vigilant Commander were there landed with a setled purpose to inhabite, there were no doubt but Carthagena in Golden Castile, the river Ciagro, which is able to beare Boats almost as high as Panama, Panama it selfe, and Puerta-bella would be all taken by force, and consequently the treasure which is sent by these places into Spaine out of Peru and Golden Castile would bee either intercepted or stayed in America. Hereby might the commerce of the Spaniards be barred and the Kings customes abated to his very great detriment. Neither were there any feare of the Americans, a cowardly people, and through the pleasantnesse of the Climate effeminate, or of the Spaniards to be sent thither, who being wearied with the long voyage and feeble with vomiting, would finde it a very difficult matter to drive old Souldiers out of fortified holds. Neither were there any feare of lack of victuals and muntion, which might as easily be supplied from England as it is from Spaine. For as soone as Fame should have published abroad that they had fixed their habitation there, many from all Nations would flocke to them with necessaries, insomuch as the Europeans doe desire nothing more then free traffique in America. The matters objected concerning Religion and Monopolies are meere calumniations of the adversaries of the reformed Religion; for the Estates, together with their ancient liberty, doe from their heart embrace the true Religion, and doe maintaine the same with the reformed Churches of Christendome in the fundamentall points which appertaine to the salvation of soules; in other things not necessary to salvation they use a toleration according to the respect of the times, as the Primitive Chruch did use, forasmuch as cockle groweth up every where with the Corne. Concerning other things, the vices of particular men are not to be ascribed to all in generall; the publique cause is to be separate from private mens faults; amongst the Angels of God and Christs Apostles there was corruption found. We must not envy nor deprive a well established Common-wealth, nor the expert industry and parcimony of a most free Nation, the onely people that know how to grow rich by warres.
11. These arguments those that desired peace laboured to weaken by these reasons: The Queene and her confederates may in like manner gather treasure by peace, and provide themselves no lesse for defence then the Spaniard for offence. A sound and firme peace may be expected from the Spaniard, who having hitherto sustained very great incommodities, may learne too late how much he hath erred in the government of the Low-Countries by prosecuting warre, and may seriously amend his error by peace. The peace contracted divers times heretofore with the Dukes of Burgundy and Kings of Castile, the Spaniards Progenitors, hath ever beene sound, and above all others provitable to the English. Suppose the Spaniard for his advantage treated of peace at Bourburg dishonorably; wee in like manner may without hurt treat with armed hand. That peace hath beene kept by Popish Princes with excommunicate persons and heretikes, without regarding the Pope, may be proved by many examples, as well of Charles the fifth as of his successors in the Empire, who kept their faithfull promise with the excommunicate Protestants of Germany whom they accounted heretikes; of Francis the first King of France, who solemnized the funerall Exequies at Paris of our Henry the eight, being excommunicate by the Pope; and of Henry now King of France, who after he was reconciled to the Pope, acknowledged for the eldest and dearest son of the Church, entred into a League offensive and defensive with the Queene. The heat of revenge groweith cold when strength fayleth. The Queene may justly forsake the Estates, for that she onely bound her selfe to ayd them untill they could get reasonable conditions from the Spaniard for their liberty; which conditions if they refuse, she is not bound to ayd them. That the cautionary Townes should be rendered upo to them is not just, nor can they require it with reason. To recover the money disbursed upon the warre, the meanes is easie if a peace be once made. The Estates cannot in a short time be reduced by armed power under the obedience of the Spaniard, and in tract of time many things may happen betwixt. But if they be reduced by a pacification, they cannot sufficiently assure themselves unlesse they also provide for their profit. But what soever become of them, France and England, being now knit together in a firm League, will easily hold the Spaniard in an even ballance. The common profit will be the strongest bond of the League. To conclude, arguments for the peace are drawne from the Law of nature, which preferreth the conservation of ones selfe before all others; from the Law of Nations, which willeth that the safety of the people be the supreme law; and from sound reasons of Christian piety, that effusion of blood may be spared, and Christendome strengthened against Infidels. But the arguments for warre (which howsoever men may flatter themselves with hope of gold by a strong Army in America, the unhappy successe of Drake may sufficiently refute) were drawne onely from humane wisedome, that dangers may be diverted; which is better to leave to Gods disposing by directing our counsailes with a good conscience to the publique good, then to those things which are not to be praised but while they are necessary. These things and the like wee heard argued on both sides.
12. Burgley Lord Treasurer for these considerations aforesaid and the benefits of peace, which are certaine, present, and necessary, inclined to peace, knowing the chance of warre to be uncertaine, the charges infinite, the treasure of England exhausted, the nature of the common people of England forward to seditions if they bee oppressed with extraordinary paiments; there was an inbred malice in the vulgar against the Nobility, small hope of succours from the Estates, our neighbours round about suspected, many were treacherous at home, and the Spaniards treasure unexhausted; and (as he said) no good could come to England by this warre but an aversion of evil, which amongst all good things is the least.
13. Essex argued to the contrary, who having beene bred up to military glory, by no meanes approved of peace; and by reasons drawne from the most subtill wits of the Spaniards, their infinite desire of enlarging their Empire, their inveterate hatred against England and the Queene, their diversity of Religion from ours, the Bishop of Romes power in dispensing, the axiom that faith is not to be kept with heretikes, there carefull suspition of dangers, and such other like which I have already related, maintained stiffely that no peace could be made with the Spaniards but such as would be dishonourable and treacherous; insomuch as the Lord Treasurer said that he breathed nothing but war, slaughter, and blood, and after a hot disputation about this matter, I know not with what presaging minde, he reached forth a Psalme Booke, and silently pointed to this verse, Men of blood shall not live out halfe their dayes. Yet some there were which magnified Essex as one that sincerely affected the honour and security of his Countrey. And there were also which taxed him as one that served his owne ambition and the benefit of his followers. Against whom he wrote an Apologie, wherein he most plainly layd forth all that before hath beene, and shewed that Anthony Rolston an English fugitive was not long before sent over into England by the Spaniards Ministers, and by Creswell the Jesuite, under colour of procuring a pleace, but indeed (as Rolston himselfe confessed) to discover what provisions there were for warre, to confirme the Papists, and by bribes and promises to corrupt the fidelity of some great Lords, and namely of Essex.
14. Concerning this businesse of the peace, and the choosing of some meet man to looke into the affaires of Ireland, there grew a sharp dissention betweene the Queene and Essex, none else being present but the Lord Admiral, Sir Robert Cecil Secreatary, and Windebank Clerk of the Signet. For whereas shee thought Sir William Knolles, unckle to Essex, the fittest man of all others to be sent into Ireland, and Essex obstinately perswaded her that Sir George Carew was rather to be sent, that so hee might ridde him from the court), yet could not by perswasions draw her unto it. Hee, forgetting himselfe and neglecting his duty, uncivilly turned his backe, as it were in contempt, with a scornfull looke. She waxing impatient gave him a cuffe on the eare, and bad him be gone with a vengeance. He layed his hand upon his sword; the Lord Admirall interposing himselfe, he sware a great oath that hee neither could nor would swallow so great an indignity, nor would have borne it at King Henry the 8th his hands, and in great discontentment hastened from the Court. Being advised by the Lord Keeper of the Seale in a most grave letter humbly to betake himselfe to the Queenes mercy, alleaging that by yielding to the time, he should yeeld well, and to remember that of Seneca, if the [King} punish one that is guilty, he must yeeld to Justice; if one innocent, hee must yield to Fortune. If he justly offended his Prince, he could not make her satisfaction; if he were offended, wisdome, dutie, yea religion did require that he should submit himselfe to the Queene, unto whom hee was most bounden, forasmuch as there is no equality betweene a Prince and a Subject, etc. He answered hereunto stomackfully in a long letter (which was afterward divulged with advisement by his friends), appealing from the Queene to Almighty God, interlacing therein these speeches following, and such like: No storme is more outragious then the indignation of an impotent prince. The Queenes heart is indurate. What I owe as a subject I know, and what as an Earle and Marshall of England; to serve as a servant and a slave I know not. If I should acknowledge my selfe guilty, I should be injurious to the truth, and to God the author of truth. I have received wounds all my body over. Having received this scandall, flatly it is impiety to serve. Cannot Princes erre? Can they not wrong their Subjects? Is any earthly power infinite? Solomon saith, A foole laugheth when he is stricken. They which reape by Princes errors may beare Princes injuries. They which beleeve not the infinite omnipotency of almighty God may acknowledge an infinite power of royall Majestie. I that have beene torne with injuries have endured long enough the bitternesse of injuries in my inmost bowels. Yet within a little while after he became more submissive and obtained pardon, and was received againe of her into favour, who alwayes thought it more honest to offend a man then to hate him. Yet hereupon his friends began to feare shrewdly his ruine, who had observed that fortune is seldome reconciled to her foster children whom she hath once forsaken, and Princes more seldome to those whom they have offended.
15. In the midst of these discontents William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England, being spent with continuall discontentment of minde, the gowt, and old age, gave himselfe over to sorrow and anguish of heart, and writing a letter to the Queene earnestly besought her that hee might lay downe his Offices of Magistracy. Upon this, shee visited him now and then, comforting him with most kinde words. But within a few daies, when hee had lived long enough to nature, long enough to his glory, but not long enough to his Country, hee rendered his soule to God by so quiet a death that the greatest greatest adversary hee had said that hee envied him for nothing so much as for such a death in so great glory, whereas for the most part the Managers of the greatest affairs have more sad ends. Certainely hee was a most excellent man, who (to say nothing of his reverend Presence and undistempered countenance) was fashioned by narure and adorned with learning, a singular man for honesty, gravity, temperance, industry, and justice. Hereunto were added a fluent and elegant Speech (and that not affected, but plaine and easie), wisdome strengthened by experience and seasoned with exceeding moderation, and most approved fidelity; but above all, singular piety towards God. To speake in a word, the Queene was most happy in so great a Councellor, and to his wholsome counsailes the State of England for ever shall be beholden. Hee was borne (for haply these things also may delight posterity to know) at Bourne in the County of Lincolne in the yeere 1521. His father was Richard Cecil of the house of Allerynnis, of the Wardrobe to King Henry 8. His mothers name, Jane, heire of the noble Family of Elinton, and of the Walcots.
16. In his young daies hee studied humanity at Saint Johns Colledge at Cambridge, where in the 20th yeere of his age hee tooke to wife Mary the sister of Sir John Cheeke, a most learned man; which wife died after a yeere or two. After this, when hee had a while studied the Law in Grayes Inne at London, he married Mildred the daughter of Sir Antony Coke, who was School-Master to Edward the 6th, a woman leaned in Greeke and Latine. Being taken into the Family of the Duke of Somerset, Protector of England, hee was his Master of Requests (the first, as I have heard from his owne mouth, that ever used this title in England). Shortly after, hee was made Secretary to King Edward the 6th and by him honoured with the dignity of Knight-hood. Against whose pretended conveyance of the Kingdome, whereby the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth were excluded from all right to the Crowne, when hee opposed himselfe (though hee subscribed also with the rest), hee found some grace with Queene Mary, and great favour with Cardinall Poole, Tunstall, and Sir William Petre for his wisdome. But whereas embracing in his heart the Doctrine of the Protestants (though he yeelded something to the time) he saw all accesse to honours barred unto him, hee betooke himselfe to the Lady Elizabeth, who used his service in solliciting her private businesses, and when shee was Queene hee was made a Privy Councellor and Secretary; and after the decease of Sir Thomas Parry shee gave him the office of Master of the Wards, in the third yeere of her raigne; which place hee executed (as hee did all his other) providently for the benefit of his Prince and the Wards, for his owne profit moderately, and for the benefit of his followers bountifully, yet without offence; and in all things with great commendations for his integrity, insomuch as the Queene, admiring his wisdome, committed in a manner the menaging of the whole State unto him. This his power with the Queene, and his wealth, were accompanied with the envy of some great Lords, which (as hee was wont to say) hee overcame more with patience then pertinacy [headstrongness]. His prudence and fidelity in the weightiest businesses having beene now approved the space of full13 yeeres, the Queene honoured him with the title of Baron of Burghley, and then made him Lord high Treasuarer of England. In which Office, detesting to scrape mony together by bad practices, hee increased, as his private estate, so also the publike treasure by his industry and parsimony. For hee hardly suffered any thing to be expended but for the Queenes Majesties honour, the defence of the Realme, or relieving of our neighbours. Hee looked strictly, yet not roughly, to the Farmers of the Customes. Hee never liked (as hee was wont to say) that the Treasury should grow as the Spleene, and the rest of the members languish, and herein hee happily bent his best endeavour that both Prince and people might grow rich together, saying often times that nothing is profitable to a Prince which is not joyned with honour. Wherefore he would have no Rents raised upon lands, nor old Farmers and Tenants put out. Which also hee observed in his owne private estate, which hee menaged with that integrity that hee never sued any man, no man ever sued him. But I will not goe too farre in his praises; yet I may say truly that hee was in the number of those few who have both lived and died with glory. So great a man whom others admire, I for my part (as was wont in old times to be in holy things) will with silence reverence. By his first wife Mary Cheeke hee begat Thomas now Earle of Excester, a man blessed with a numerous Issue. By his other wife Mildred Coke hee begat Robert Earle of Salisbury, who succeeded him with rare felicity in the greatest offices of the State, and two daughters, both which he overlived, Anne Countesse of Oxford (to whom were borne three daughters, Elizabeth married to William Earle of Darby, Bridget married to the Lord Norris, and Susan married to Philip Earle of Montgomery), and Elizabeth wife to William Wentworth, which had no Issue. Hee made Over-seers of his Will Gabriel Goodman Deane of Westminster, a most upright man, and Thomas Bellot Steward of his house, to which Thomas hee left a great summe of money to bee bestowed in religious uses, which hee most faithfully performed.
17. This eager desire of peace in the Lord Burghley, though it brought not forth a peace, yet did it abate the greatest part of the charge of the warres. For whilest he lay now desperately sicke and almost past hope of recovery, the Estates sent John Duvenvoord Admirall of Holland, John Oldenbarneveltz Keeper of the Seales, John Verke, John Hooting, and Andrew Hessell, and joyned unto them Sir Nowell Carron their Agent in England, who preferring warre before peace agreed in the moneth of August with Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the Earle of Essex, the Admirall, George Lord Hunsdon, the Lord Buckhurst, Sir William Knolles, Sir Robert Cecyl, and Sir John Fortescu, Commissioners appointed by the Queene, upon these conditions following: That the league made in the yeeere 1585 should be ratified, excepting some articles concerning the principall administration of the State. That the Estates of the confederate Provinces should pay unto the Queene 800000 pounds of English money, viz. 30000 pounds yeerely, as long as the warre was continued against the common enemy, until 400000 pounds were payed. That if peace were made betwixt the Spaniard and the Queene, there should be payed of that which remained to be payed 20000 pounds yeerely, till the 800000 pounds were payed. That 1150 English Souldiers lying in garison in Flushing, Briel, and the forts adjoyning should be payed by the Estates. That they should leavy men out of England under English Captaines, to whom they should give pay. That if the Spaniard should invade the Isles of Wight, Garnsey, Jersey, or Silly, the Estates should send in ayde 5000 foot and 500 horse. That if any fleet were set forth in England against the Spaniard, they should joyne unto the same a fleet of as many ships. That if any English forces were sent over into Flanders or Brabant, they should joyne the same number with them, and with as much provision etc. That for the money due to Pallavicina the Queene should have her entire right against Brabant and Flanders, and the rest of the Provinces not confederate. Thus was the Queene by these covenants eased of very great expences, which every yeere amounted to about 120000 pounds English, and this through the wisedome of the Lord Burghley, and the procurement of Sir Thomas Bodley, and George Gilpin who succeeded him in the Councell of the Estates. Bodley, being now free from the publique cares of the Common-wealth, bent himselfe wholly to a care most worthy of the greatest Kings, to wit, the advancement of learning. For he began to restore the publique Library in the University of Oxford first instituted by Humfrey Duke of Glocester, and by the iniquity of the times despoiled in the raigne of Edward the 6th of all the Bookes; which by gathering together most choice Bookes of all sorts from all parts for the furniture of studies, partly with his owne money and partly by the contribution of others, hee furnished in such sort, and indowed at his death, that hee is most worthy to bee honoured with singular and eternall praise amongst the greatest men and such as have deserved best of learning, as long as letters shall be in the world.
18. Whilest these things were treated betwixt the English and the Estates, the Lord Zouch and Christopher Parkins Doctor of Law were sent into Denmarke to congratulate the Kings marriage with the Elector of Brandenburg’s daughter; and with much adoe obtained the repaiment of 30000 Dallers for the English Merchants goods to the value of 100000 Dallers, which the Danes had laid hands on, alledging that the English had dealt falsly in their accompts with the Customers. For now there began to grow controversies about such matters, whilest the Queene suspecting that the King of Denmarke more favoured the Spaniard, and was more harsh to the English, complained that the Customes were above measure raised, and hee on the other side complained that his subjects were robbed by the English Pirats, and that the councell of England were more carefull of the private covetousnesse of some Merchants then of the publique safety of both Kingdomes.
19. About this time Philip the second, King of Spaine, betrothed the Infanta Isabella his daughter to Cardinall Albert, and with her passed over in Dowry the Low-Country Provinces, and the County of Burgundy. Whereupon the Cardinal having solemnly sent his Cardinals Hat to Rome, and received from the Pope a consecrated sword, he made haste into Spaine. In the meane time the King of Spaine, being above 70 yeeres of age, ended his life in the moneth of September, with great praise for his patience. A Prince whose Empire extended so farre and wide above all Emperors before him, that he might truly say SOL MIHI SEMPER LUCET, i. e. THE SUNNE ALWAYES SHINETH UPON ME; a Prince wise by his fathers Precepts, and his owne long experience, but in matters of warre for the most part unfortunate, for that being himselfe by nature weake, he used more wary counsailes and the service of others in his warres. Whereby the three keyes of the Spanish Empire (which his father so termed, and warned him above all things to keepe most diligently), namely, Guletta in Africa, Flushing in the Low-Countries, and Gades in Spaine, were neglected, one of them being taken from him by the Turkes, another by the confederates of the Low-Countryes, and the third broken by the English to the great damage and dishonor of so great a Prince; so as it was not without cause that he admonished his sonne (as the report goeth) to compound all matters with the English and the Netherlanders. Much about this time also George Clifford Earle of Cumberland returned into England, who had at his owne charges set forth a Fleet of eleven ships to intercept the Portugall caraques that should set saile from the river Tayo the the East India. But they, hearing that hee lay off and on upon the coast of Portugall, kept themselves so long under the Fort of Saint Julian (a Fort furnished with 1000 Peeces of Ordnance) that they lost the opportunity of their voyage this yeere. Wherefore he directed his course first to the Canaries, and having taken and sacked Lancerata with the Towne, from thence he landed at Boriquen, and putting his men in order, assaulted Porte-Rico, and after the winning of one or two of their workes, became Master of the Towne, with the losse scarce of thirty men, though there were in the Towne 400 Garison Souldiers besides the Inhabitants. This place, forasmuch as it was for the commodiousnesse of the situation accounted by the Spaniards to be the key of America, he purposed to make the seat of warre, and removed all the Inhabitants, though for the redemption of the place they offered rich Merchandies and gold and silver coyned. But the flux with gripings in the belly began shortly after to rage amongst the English in such sort that in 40 daies (for so long they stayed there) it consumed 760 men, and constrained hee was to returne home, bringing more victory then booty, though hee gained above 60 brasse Peeces of Ordnance. But great damage he did to the Spaniard, in that neither the Caraques set saile this yeere to East India, nor did the America Fleet returne into Spaine.
20. In those days was Edward Squier arrayned, one of the ordinary sort of men, who having beene first a pettifogging Clerke, afterwards an under-servant in the Queenes stable, and a Souldier in Drake’s last voyage, was taken in that Pinnace which was intercepted, and so being carried prisoner into Spaine became knowne to Walpoole an English Jesuite. This Walpoole procured him to be drawne into the Inquisition as a man guilty of heresie, and after afflictions laid upon him, easily allured him to the Romish Religion, and afterward exhorted him divers times to attempt something for the cause of Religion; and at length which many circumlocutions told him (as Squier himselfe confessed) that it was a meritorious act to kill the Earle of Essex, but more necessary to make away with the Queene; which he signified might easily be done, and without danger, by annoynting the pummell of the Queenes Saddle with poyson, upon which she should lay her hand as she rode. To this fact when Squier had given his assent, the Jesuite bound the man by divers vowes under paine of damnation to keepe the matter secret and commit the fact. Thus Squier being instructed to perpetrate his foule deed, and laden with promises of eternall salvation, he blessed him, delivered him the poyson, and lest any suspition should arise against the man returning out of Spaine, procured him and another to be sent backe into England for redeeming of certaine Spanish prisoners in England. He, not long after he was returned, covertly and as it were doing something else, annointed the Pummell of the Queenes Saddle with the poyson, praying with a loud voyce God save the Queene; but by Gods protection the poison tooke not effect. In the meane time had he, to avoyd all suspition, given his name to the Earle of Essex to goe to the warres with him in his voyage intended to the Iles of Azores, and departed out of England a Souldier in the same shippe, whose chaire also hee annoynted with the same poyson, and with no better successe. Afterward returning into England he lived secure, not once thinking that Walpoole his Confessor would ever bewray him. But Walpoole (it seemeth) taking in indignation that this wicked enterprise failed of successe, and suspecting that Squier had deluded him, neglecting his vowes, bent himselfe wholly to revenge it. Certaine it is that one was sent privily into England to appeach [denounce] Squire in generall termes of his treason undertaken. Hereupon Squire (the matter being of such moment) was examined, and at first denied it; afterward being more exactly interrogated concerning some circumstance, and supposing that his Confessor had dealt unfaithfully with him, he voluntarily confessed the things abovesaid concerning Walpoole and his owne assent given, and the annoynting of the Saddle Pummell etc. Yet at the Barre and at the Gallowes he protested that though he were suborned by Walpoole and others to this fact, yet he could never be perswaded in his heart to commit it. Walpoole, or some other for him, set forth a Booke in print wherein he precisely denied with many detestations all which Squier had confessed. Howsoever it were, some fugitives out of England there were that were too ingenious to the destruction of men, and their owne infamy. For a pestilent opinion had crept into the mindes of some (even Priests, I am ashamed to speake it) that to take away Kings excommunicate was nothing else but to weed out the Cockle out of the Lords field.
21. About this time certaine idle lewd fellows there were, I know not out of what shop, to whom it was as good as a reward to disturbe the quiet peace. These men, to the end to breake off by secret and wicked practices the amity betwixt the Queene and the King of Scots, spred rumors abroad that he inclined to the Papists faction and was of a most averse minde from the Queene. To draw credite hereunto, there was delivered to the Queene the Coppy of a letter to the Bishop of Rome which was written by the Kings Secretary, a man of small credite, and signed with the Kings subscription gotten by stealth. But she, who was never light of beliefe, utterly rejected this and such like things as feigned devices of corrupt minded men to alienate the hearts of the Protestants from him, and winne unto him the hearts of the Papists. Yea, when one Valentine Thomas, a man most distained with foule facts, and being now to be condemned of theft, required to be heard about a matter of very great moment; and being heard in private, accused the King of Scots of ill affection towards the Queene, shee was so farre from harkening to those that whispered these things in her eares, that she detested this man as a dishonest backbiter and maliciously suborned by others to worke trouble to her and the King of Scots, or else devising this to save his life. The matter shee commanded to be concealed in silence, and thought not good to have the man put to death, lest any aspersion should be laid upon the Kings reputation, forasmuch as calumniations against Princes, though most false, are intertained with light beliefe. Whilest these rumors were fresh, she privily advised him to weigh these things seriously: Whether there were any other besides her that could more profit him, or hurt him. Whether any other were more bountifull unto him. Whether any other expected lesse from him then she, who looked for nothing else but that he would advance the glory of God, and not be wanting to himselfe. And wanting certainely he was not. For, to blow over such feigned rumors, men were sent forth farre and neere throughout England and Ireland to winne the hearts of the multitude to love him by extolling his constancy in Religion, his Wisedome, Justice, Clemency, and other Royall Vertues. There were Bookes also dispersed both to maintaine his title of succession to the Crowne of England (which John Colvill, an impious ungratefull Scot, had lately by cavilling oppugned, who notwithstanding shortly after wrote a recantation and published it), and also to shew that the admission of him would be more beneficiall to both kingdomes then the intrusion of any other whatsoever, for these reasons: because it is grounded upon best right; because he was a King; because it would enlarge the kingdome of England by the adjunction of Scotland, so often desired; because it would pacifie the Irish and Spanish warre, and open freedome of commerce; because he had children, the Pillers of a kingdome, and strength to defend him and his, and was most deare to all the Princes of Christendome. There were set forth also the lamentable ends not onely of usurpers, but also of advancers of usupers, and amongst others, of Richard Nevill Earle of Warwick, who placed Edward the fourth in the Throne, and of the Duke of Buckingham, who advanced Richard the third to the Crowne. And to draw from the Queene a declarationof succession, such sentences as these were interlaced here and there: Kings cannot deprive their kinsmen of their hope of the Crowne. Kingdomes are carried by right of blood. The things that appertaine to children by the benefit of nature cannot be taken from them by their fathers disinheriting, nor can they be transferred by the Estates of a Realme to one more remote. Seeing the Lord did not spare the Israelites, but gave them over for a spoyle, for that they had made Jereboam the sonne of Nabot their King, despising the house of David; the translation of kingdomes from the next of kin are repugnant not onely to the Lawes of man, but also of God. As those that are entring ought to beare with patience the tarrying of those that are going forth, though it be long for they that are going forth, or the possessors, are bound to give certaine assurance to their successors of entring, lest being wearied, the one with vaine hope, the other with continuall suites and demands, thy both complaine. But farre beyond all this went a Booke called Basilicon Doron, written by the King to his sonne, wherein is most elegantly painted forth an excellent Prince, in all points absolute. Incredible it is how many mens hearts and affections he wonne unto him thereby, and what an expectation of him he raysed amongst all men, even to admiration. What Queene Elizabeth thought hereof, I finde not; but this I know (if I may relate so small a matter), that she, who was wont to qualifie the tediousnesse of her serious affaires with the sweet recreations of letters, either read or wrote something every day; and as she had a good while before translated Salust De Bello Iurguthino, so in these daies she turned into the English tongue the greatest part of Horace De Arte Poetica, and a little Booke of Plutarchs De Curiositate, and wrote them with her owne hand, though the rebellion in Ireland now flamed forth dangerously, as I will declare anon, after I shall first have related what Countrymen of ours of worthiest memory died this yeere. And they were no more then three, except the Lord Burghley already mentioned; and those three of the number of the most learned, and no lesse renowned then Fame hath blazed htem.
22. The first was Thomas Stapleton Doctor of Divinity, borne in Sussex, brought up in New Colledge at Oxford, and ordinary professor of Divinity and controversies in the University of Douay. For in the beginning of Queene Elizabeths reigne hee went into the Low-Countries out of zeale to the Romish Religion; and by publique reading, and writing many Bookes, he grew very famous. Another was Richard Cosins a Cambridge man, Doctor of Law, Deane of the Arches, who by defending the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction attained the commendations of most grave learning and wisedone. The third was Edmund Spenser, a Londoner by birth, and a Scholar also of the University of Cambridge, borne under so favourable an aspect ot the Muses that hee surpassed all the English Poets of former times, not excepting even Chaucer himselfe, his Country-man. But by a fate peculiar to Poets, hee alwaies strugled with poverty, though hee were Secretary to the Lord Grey Lord Deputy of Ireland. For scarce had hee there gotten a solitary place and leasure to write, when hee was by the Rebels cast out of his dwelling, despoyled of his goods, and returned into England a poore man, where shortly after he died and was interred at Westminster neere to Chaucer, at the charges of the Earle of Essex, his Hearse being carried by Poets, and mournfull Verses and Pennes throwne into his Tombe.
23. All this yeere was the Irish rebellion very hot; for Tir-Oen, though hee had obtained a pardon under the great Seale of Ireland, which hee had dissemblingly craved of the Earle of Ormund Lord Lieutenant, besieged at unawares the Fort at Blackwater. To raise this siege the Lieutenant Generall of the Army (for there was yet no Lord Deputy substituted) sent most choice Bands, to wit, 13 Companies under Sir Henry Bagnall Marshall, Tir-Oens most bitter adversary. The 14th of August they marched from the Campe neere Armach in three battailes: the first the Marshall and Percy led, the middle battaile Cosby, and Thomas Maria Wingfield, the rere was led by Cuin and Billing. The Troupes of horse were commanded by Calisthenes Brooke, Charles Mountacute, and Flemming. Scarce had they passed on a mile, being too far sundered by little rising hils, betwist a boggy plaine on the one side and the woods on the other side, when Tir-Oen, pricked forward with sharpe spurres of hatred against the Marshall, charged the foreward with all his power, and having slaine him amongst the thickest of his enemies, hee soone oppressed with multitude that first battaile, being disordered and not once seene of the rest that followed a farre of, as also by reason of the hill betwixt them. And at the same instant, the gun-powder taking fire by chance in the middle battaile blew up many and maimed more, and Cosby, which was sent to recollect the remainders of the Foreward, received a great overthrow; yet Mountacute brought them backe, but not without great perill. Wingfield with the Rereward, when their powder failed, returned to Armach. Thus got Tir-Oen a very pleasing triumph over his adversary, and a remarkable victory over the English. And certainely, from their first setting foot in Ireland there was not a greater overthrow received, 13 stout Captaines being slaine, and 1500 of the common Souldiers, who being scattered by a shamefull flight all the fields over, were slaine and vanquished. They that remained alive reproachfully laid the blame not upon their owne cowardize, but the unskilfulnesse of their Leaders, which was now growne to a custome. Neither seemed they to be blameless who marched so farre asunder contrary to all military discipline against their barbarous enemies, who alwaies marching thicke together fought more by force then good advisement.
24. Within a while after followed the rendring up of the Fort at Blackwater, when the garison Souldiers, having kept their fidelity and armes even to extreme famine, saw all hope of succour vanished.
25. This was a glorious victory to the Rebels, and of speciall benefit; for hereby they got both armes and victuals, and Tir-Oens great fame being published all over Ireland as the Authour of their liberty, hee was puffed up with fierceness and pride above measure. Forthwith all Munster almost revolted, and that not so much for this fortunate successe of the Rebels, as for hatred of Inhabitants against the English Undertakers and Farmers which were brought into the lands confiscate after the Earle of Desmond’s rebellion, and in hope of protections if they failed of successe. For by long continuance, there was growne a mischievous custome in Ireland that Rebels and Malefactors might, by giving money which they got by pillage, escape unpunished and be protected.
26. To cherish this revolt, Tir-Oen sent into Munster Ouny-Mac-Rory-Og-O-More and Tirell, a man though of an English stocke, yet a mortall enemy to the English Nation, with 1000 men to gather spoile. Against whom Sir Thomas Norris President of the Province hasted with a reasonable strong Power. But when hee perceived that the Irish which he had under his colours cast in minde to revolt, and the new Farmers out of England were able to set forth no more then 200, and those unarmed, hee dispersed his Forces and retired into Corke. Which when the Rebels understood, there flocked together a great rabble of lewd fellowes, spoiled the Country, gathered Booty, sacked and fired the Castles, Houses, and Farmes of the English round about, and most cruelly slew them every where; which they could not easily have done if those which had undertaken thoe lands had sent Farmers in a just number, and furnished according to their contract. Herewith the Rebels, being encouraged, proclaimed James Fitz-Thomas of the House of the Earles of Desmond, Earle of Desmond, a most obscene man, yet so as hee should be vassal to O-Neale, that is, to Tir-Oen; who in a letter to the Spaniard extolled his victories with full mouth, and withall besought him that if happly he should heare that hee desired peace of the English, hee would not believe it, for that hee had stopped his eares against all conditions of peace, though never so reasonable, and would most constantly keepe his faith given to the Spaniard. Neverthelesse, in the meane time hee did both by letters and messengers dissemblingly make intercession to the Lieutenant about a submission, and made most unreasonable demands.
27. To represse this mans insolency Sir Richard Bingham was thought the most able man, a man of all others most valiant and fortunate against the Rebels in Ireland. Hee therefore, which not long before had beene removed from his Governourship of Connacht, the people of the Country complaining of his severity, and sent for into England, and committed to custody, was now sent backe againe with the honour and authority of Marshall of Ireland and Generall of Leinster. But hee was no sooner arrived but hee died at Dublin. A man of a famous and ancient stock of Dorsetshire, but more famous for his long experience in the warres. For hee served at Saint Quintins, at Coinquet in Britaine, at Leith, in the Hebrides, in Scotland, the Ilse of Candi [Crete], at Chrio against the Turks, in France, and the Netherlands, and wrought these exploits in Ireland which I have spoken of.