- История Англии XV-XVII
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- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1593
IN the Moneth of February the Estates of England, being assembled at Westminster, made lawes for restrayning of Schismatikes, and Popish Recusants, and perswaders of others not to goe to Church; concerning the possessions of Monasteries passed to King Henry the 8th for relieving of Souldiers and Sailors; for not building of houses within three miles of the City of London; and for other matters. And when they had seriously considered (I speake out of the very Acts of Parliament) with how obstinate minds the enemies bent themselves to worke the destruction of England by suppressing our Confederates in France, Scotland, and the Low-Countreyes, and seizing upon places opporune for invading of England, they thought Subsidies were necessarily to be granted for defence of the Land against dangers. Acknowledging therefore and extolling such heroicke magnanimity in a Princesse, together with her provident care and singular goodnesse towards her people, who, lest shee should burden her people with payments, had in a warre made with good successe against a most opulent Nation spent so much money out of her Treasury, as never did any of her predecessors, not onely in defending her owne kingdomes, but also most justly relieving our Confederates according to contracts, they with most devout and willing minds granted the Clergy two entire Subsidies, and the Laity three; with six Fifteenes and Tenthes to be payed at a time prefixed. But they humbly prayed that, for as much as these things were to bee left to posterity upon record, it might be in expressed in words provided that these so many and so great Subsidies as in former ages had never beene heard of, and now granted extraordinarily to so an excellent a Princesse upon such urgent causes, might not be drawne into example. The Queene, being present upon the last day of the Parliament, to put life, as it were, into the Lawes by her assent, professing her love to her subjects, protested that she had alwayed employed her whole cares to the advauncement of Gods glory and the good of the Common-wealth, and upon these two had layd out whatseover they had contributed. Then with fluent Eloquence she stoutly but briefly ranne over how farre she had ever beene from cowardly want of courage, who relying on God and trusting in the shield of a good conscience could not feare the most potent enemies. Lastly, to give them the greater courage, shee discoursed gloriously of the fortitude of the English, and amongst other things, that the very enemy did acknowledge that the English Nation out of an inbred vertue of the minde was prompt to perills, and this they had often found by experience to their cost, though they dissembled it; and should finde it more full and to the greater glory of the English, so as they would not sleepe in security, nor be taken unprovided. Fro no man shall provoke a Nation provided of courage and armes for revenge, and escape unpunished. In conclusion, shee thanked them for all their Subsidy money, promising that shee would consecrate all her cogitations to God and the Common-wealth.
2. How shee performed this towards God, inflicting punishment on Henry Barow and his sectaries, which by sowing monstrous opinions, condemning the Church of England, and derogating from the Queenes authority in ecclesiasticall matters, began to disturb the peace of the Church, let the Ecclesiasticall historian relate. But how towards the Common-weealth, may appeare by this that followeth.
3. As shee used great care to weaken the Spaniards, to cumber them else-where, and to remove them out of Britaine in France, so used she no lesse to keepe them from landing in Scotland, fearing lest the turbulent confusion which I spake of in Scotland, might open an entrance for the Spaniards to the destruction of both kingdomes. For shee had lately received certaine intelligence the Popish Noblemen in Scotland had by the cunning practises of the Priests conspired to call the Spaniards into Scotland to change religion there, and to assayle England on that side. And that to this purpose Creicton the Jesuite had often crossed the seas into the Low-Countries and Spaine, whom for his age she ahd before released out of prison upon his faithfull word and promise that hee would move nothing against England. She foresaw also how easily the people of Scotland in the West parts, being for the most part poore and needy, might bee corrupted with Spanish gold; how full of havens and harbours those coasts were, where they might land without her, how warlike the Nation was, and powerfull in horse, how easie the entrance was from thence into England, as it were by the backe dore; moreover how doubtfull was the loyalty of the English bordering upon Scotland, who were most of them Papists, and others every where desirous of innovation, whose estates and hopes lay in their swords; and that there was alwayes more courage in the assalyers then in the defenders, who doe, as it were, cast the dice for their owne lot onely.
4. Of these things therefore she informed the King of Scots, and advised him to suppresse those Scottish Noblemen betimes, and to exercise his royall authority against his seditious subjects, lest hee might seeme to regyne by intreaty. Which certainely he had already begun to doe of his own accord, by making strict lawes against Papists and their favourers, by punishing David Graiham of Fentre, who was one of the accessaries to the conspiracy, and prosecuting the Earles Angusse, Huntley, and Aroll, who he soone defeated. Bothwell, lurking in the meane time in England, wrote very flattering letters to the Queene (though hee had formerly deserved very ill of her), promising that if he might be received into favour of the King, he would faithfully serve the King, and weaken the Spanish faction in Scotland, and earnestly besought her to mediate with the King for his pardon.
5. But she, as soone as she understood that the King tooke it very hardly that hee was entertained in England, detesting his impious boldnesse (who had once or twice prepared force against his Prince, the expresse image of God, and had put him in feare), sent the Lord Burgh or Borough Embassadour into Scotland to assure the King that Bothwell had crept secretly into England, and that shee would punish those which had harboured him; and also to incite the King against the Spanish faction and procure a new association of the Protestants in Scotland for the preservation of the King and the defence of Religion, with joynt hearts and hands against all forreiners and seditious subjects; which was soone after entred into.
6. The King being returned out of the North parts, the Lord Boroughs required these things of him in writing: that he would certified the Queene of the practises of the Spaniards against England; that he would by Justice maintaine the dignity of his royall Majesty; that if he could not execute justice upon the persons of Traytors, yet hee would confiscate their goods and lands; that he would take unto his Councell men of knowne fidelity; that hee would advertise the Queene of these things with his owne hand, to the end that shee and the other Princes of the same Religion might understand how providently he would prepare to resist the enemy; lastly, that hee would give order for keeping of peace on the borders. If these things might be performed, hee promised that the Queene would in nothing be wanting to the King, and shewed him how she had sharply mulcted the English which had harboured Bothwell.
7. To these demaunds, the King answered from point to point: That he had signified all things which hee found concerning the Spaniards practices; that as well as hee could hee had prosecuted his Rebels, that hee had put some of them to death, and mulcted others of their goods and estates; that hee had put Lieutenants in their Countries, and would proscribe them by Act of Parliament; that after their proscription hee would confiscate their lands; that hee would take into his Councell men of sound judgement and sincere religion and love to their Country; that hee would give attestation to all these things under his hand; that hee would take the best course hee could concerning the causes of the Borders. But it was reason that for the performance of these things the Queene should supply him with money, to resist as well the Spaniards, as his Rebels, who were now growne very rich and strong.
8. Lastly, he required that she would punish Bothwels Favourers, and seeing he was a man for his inexpiable crime to be detested of al Princes, even for examples sake, she would deliver him into his hands if hee abode in England; forasmuch as hee could not but accompt such an enemies friends in the number of his enemies. Neverthelesse, when certaine Scots had perswaded the Queene that the King favoured the Popish Earles in Scotland, answer was made to Robert Melmill when hee demaunded the delivery of Bothwell, and also ayde against the Rebels, that Bothwell should be restored according to the Conventions in the former treaties, or else banished out of England; that by that League ayde was not to be given but against strangers. Yet was there some money sent, and Bothwell, who was proclaimed Traitor by the Estates of Scotland, returning home privily, was about that time suddenly brought by his friends into the Kings Chamber, and cast himselfe on his knees at the Kings feet, threw his sword on the ground, and begged mercy, and through their importunate intercession, obtained the same upon certain conditions, to wit, that he should depart from the Kings presence; that hee should appeare to his tryall concerning the crime objected against him for consulting with Witches; that hee should attempt nothing against the Kings Officers; that if hee were acquitted of the crime of consulting with Witches, hee should depart the Realme, and live a while in such a place as the King should think good of. Neverthlesse, the next day after that hee was acquitted, hee forcibly carried away certaine of the Kings Officers out of the Court, and so strong grew his faction in the Court, that the King for his security and the tranquility of the Realme, not onely restored him and the Rebels his followers to their possessions, but also removed from the Court, the Chancellor, the Treasurer, the Lord Humes, and George Humes, whom hee esteemed his most faithfull servants.
9. But the truth is, within one moneth, when the King had with anguish of minde considered with himselfe how these things most unworthy his Majesty were against his will extorted unlawfully from him, he declared in an assembly of the Estates that hee was in no other condition then a captive, and was flatly Bothwels prisoner, and that he could no longer endure that his subject who had thrice lewdly assayled his house should triumph over him and his Ministers, men of passing good desert. And hee soone obtayned of the Estates that they decreed him to be a free Prince, to exercise his regall authority, and choose his Counsellors and Officers at his pleasure. Hereupon hee calleth backe his Chancellors and the rest of the Court, and repealeth those things which hee had against his will granted to Bothwell. Yet such was the mildenesse of his nature, that hee vouchsafed to grant to him, though a man of very bad desert, and to all his complices a pardon for all crimes past, and to restore them to their livings, so as they would crave it with submission, and that his complices keepe themselves quiet at home and came not to Court unlesse they were called, that Bothwell should within a prefixed time depart beyond Sea into forraigne Countries, and remaine in certaine places while the King thought good. Thus did the Court in a short time see divers changes, and Bothwell, meditating greater mischiefes, lived in exile for a little time, or rather lurked in the Borders of both Kingdomes.
10. Yet was not Scotland pacified, the Ministers of the Word fretting and putting the King to trouble, for that hee did not prosecute the Papists with fire and sword; against whom they themselves assembled, and not expecting [awaiting] the Kings authority convocated the Barons and Burgesses to consult, lest Religion and the Common-wealth might receive any detriment.
11. At this time were set forth in Germany certaine scandalous Libels against Queene Elizabeth, as if shee had excited the Turke to make warre upon Christendome, and the letters were divulged with shee had sent unto the Turke, but most unfaithfully falsified and corrupted, very many things being added, and divers contumelious and calumnious matters falsly and maliciously feigned and devised. The Queene sent a Messenger to the Emperour and cleered her selfe in such sort of these calumniations, that the Books were interdicted, and the Copies burnt at Praeg [Prague], and she both offered and did her best endeavour to remove the Turke from his attempts, which the Emperour gladly acknowledged. And certainly, there passed no other thing betwixt the Turke and her, but that her subjects might trade securely in his Empire. In which respect shee had an Agent at Constantinople to negotiate the Merchants affaires at their charges, as also had the French King, the Polonian, the State of Venice, and others.
12. Shee earnestly laboured also, as an honourable Umpier, to make peace betweene the Swethian [king of Sweden] and the Muscovite; and also betweene the Turke and Sigismund Batore Prince or Vaivode (as they call him) of Transylvania. For whereas the Turke brake the bounds or limits heretofore set downe, and imposed taxes not onely contrary to the forme of the League, but also above the meanes and ability of the Country, the Prince earnestly requested her by Stephen Kakasy that Shee would interpose her favour and credite (if shee had any) in the Turkes Court, that nothing might bee exacted above the auncient forme, nor detracted from the bounds and limits of his Country. Which (forasmuch as the matter concerned a Christian people and Province) she, according to the mercy wherewith shee was wont to relieve the afflicted, willingly undertooke and diligently prosecuted.
13. In vaine did Norris spend all the last winter in Britaine of France, expecting Marshall D’Aumont and Francis Espinay of Saint Luke, who had promised to joyne their troupes with him; in which time sickenesse consumed many English, and the Queene disbursed weekely for pay above 3200 pounds English. But now in the month of Aprill, Espinay joyned a power of men; then was Ravenderes company at Saint Supplice defeated, Guerche forced to yeeld, and the troupes of the Governour of Lavall put to flight, very many of them being slaine, Randolph, Purlye, and Christmas, stout English Leaders, being slaine also. When Yet D’Aumont descended not into Britaine, nor was there a place of safety assigned to the English as was agreed, the Queene called home Norris. D’Aumont made humble intercession by letters to the contrary that hee might not be called home; yea, he most earnestly besought that a new power of men might be sent over.
14. Whilest the Queene, for Religions sake, with so great expences and so much carefulnesse of mind relieved the French King, who distrusted his estate, and was in danger, behold, a constant rumor flew into England that hee either would, or had already embraced the Romish Religion. Hereupon was Thomas Wilkes sent over in to France to understand the certainty; and if hee had not yet changed his Religion, to disswade him by strong reasons comprehended in writing. But before hee was come, the King had made publique confession of the Catholike Roman Religion at Saint Dionyses, although some Papists of religious Orders then plotted against his life. But hee ingenuously declared to Wilkes the causes of denying his Religion, in this manner: When I was first (saith hee) admitted King of France, I tooke an oath that I would within a prefixed time be instructed in the Catholike Roman Religion; neither was I admitted upon any other condition. This instruction I have deferred now full foure yeeres; neither have I lately condescended unto it but against my will. For the King my Predecessor being taken away, his Councellors and Officers were of necessity to be retained by mee; to their suffrages, and being the greater number, I was in all consultations to yeeld, and by their cunning practices and discoveries all my designes agains the Leaguers have beene so prevented, that for the most part they have failed of successe. The Protestants whom I had taken to my Privy Councell were seldome present in Councell, being too intentive upon their owne affaires. So as being forsaken by them in whom I had put my hope, and withall fearing lest I should also be forsaken of the Papists, I could doe no other but rest in their counsailes. Allowedly I also affirme that as soone as I was called to the Crowne, 800 Gentlemen and nine Regiments of Protestants returned home, neither could I by any meanes keepe them, insomauch as I had none but my domesticall servants of my Chamber about mee. The Papists, when they saw me thus forsaken of mine owne, began to domineere and urge mee to change my Religion, saying that the Catholikes could not with a safe conscience obey an Heretike. Yet I procrastinated the matter from day to day for so long, till finding mine owne weaknesse (who being upholden with small helpes of friends, was altogether unable to resist the joynt Forces of the Pope, the Spaniard, and the Leaguers); while a third faction consisting of the Princes of the bloud, the Officers of the Realme, the Prelates, and very many Gentlemen, plotted with the Governours of Provinces and Cities to abandon mee, as detected of heresye, and cantonize the Provinces amongst them. When I could not otherwise prevent these mens designes, I gave them my faith that I would be informed in the Roman Catholike Religion. They granted mee a month or two for my Information, and sent to Rome to procure an absolution, and a formal receiving into the bosome of the Church. The Leaguers, to prevent this, made all the hast they could to choose another King, very many of the Nobility vowed their service to the Duke of Guise as their future King, if the Governments which they had held might bee granted unto them for a perpetuall inheritance and propriety. I therefore deliberately determined forthwith to embrace the Catholike Religion. Yet did the Prelates refuse to admit mee into the Church, without consulting the Bishop of Rome; untill with much adoe, I perswaded them to admit my conversion without information or argumentation. Hereby I wholly joyned unto mee the third faction, I prevented the election of the Duke of Guise, I gained the love of the French people, I made the great Duke of Florence my fast friend in matters of greatest weight, and I freed the Reformed Religion from all blot wherewith it was necessary to be branded, if my conversion had beene wrought by information or disputation.
15. Morlante in the meane time telleth the Queene all these things, and with goodly words offereth her all kindnesse in the King his masters behalfe. Shee, being full of sorrow and much disquieted in minde, suddenly tooke her penne, and soone after sent this letter unto him:
Alas, what great sorrow, what inward griefe, what sighs have I felt at my heart for these things which Morlante hath told me! Alas, is the world come to this passe? Could it bee that any worldy matter should make you forsake the feare of God? Can we expect any happy event of such a fact? Or can you thinke that hee which hath hitherto with his owne right hand upholden and kept you, would now forsake you? It is a matter full of danger to doe evill that good may come of it. Yet I hope a sounder Spirit will inspire into you a better minde. In the meane time, I will not cease in the first place of my prayers, to commend you to God, and beseech him that the hands of Esau may not spill Jacobs blessing. Whereas you doe religiously offer me your friendship, to my great cost I know I have deserved it; neither should I repent it, had you not changed your father. Certainely, from henceforth I cannot be your sister by the father; but the truth is, I shall ever more dearely love mine owne father then a false father; which God knoweth very well, who bring you back againe to a better mind.
Your sister, if it be after the old manner, as
for the new I have nothing to doe with it.
16. In her griefe shee sought comfort out of the holy Scriptures, the writings of the holy Fathers, and frequent conferences with the Archbishop, and whether out of the Phylosophers also I know not. Sure I am that at this time shee daily turned over Boetius his bookes De Consolatione, and translated them handsomely into the English tongue.
17. When Wilkes in the meane time had signified to the French King that his promises in the matter of Britaine were not performed, and that D’Aumonts lingring was dammageable to the Queene both in the losse of men and expence of money, and to the King altogether unprofitable, and that the Queene would not increase her auxiliary forces in Britaine and maintaine them there, unlesse some safe place of retreat might be granted, he laid the fault upon the grosse negligence of D’Aumont. He promised to remedy all incommodities, and to enter into some course with his Councell about a place of retreat. Of all these things he also informed the Queene at large by Mouy, a Gentleman of his Chamber, knowledging himselfe beholden to her both for his safety and royall dignity, and promised that assoone as his affayres were setled, and the truce ended, hee would march with an army into Britaine. In the meane time, a contract is made betweene the Queene and him at Melun in the moneth of August, under their hands and seales, bona fide, and in the word of Princes that with joynt forces they should make a warre offensive and defensive against the Spaniard, as long as he should make warre with either of them, and should enter into no peace with him, without mutuall consent betwixxt them, and both of them to be comprehended in the peace.
18. Yet was Britaine neglected by him, France being most grievously afflicted in her very bowels, neither could the English obtaine Pimpoole or the little Ile of Brehas, with other Iles adjacent, for a place of retreyt, but upon some very unreasonable conditions, to wit, that they should not fortifie there, nor lodge in Priestes or Gentlemens houses. Neverthelesse, the Estates of Britaine made suite to the Queene that the English might not be called home, which was now taken into consultation. And she, being earnestly entreated, commanded them to stay, where they were dispersed in the Countrey villages and exposed to the enemy and hard weather, and passed a miserable winter, for as much as Pimpoole was too little to receive them. Neither ceased she to admonish the King how much it imported him to hold and maintain the sea coast, which being once reduced into the enemies power, both openeth an entrance and is very hardly recovered. Shee commended againe and againe the Reformed Religion and the professors thereof to his defence and protection, by Sir Robert Sidney. He promised that as he had beene already their Protector, so would he not from thenceforth faile them, though most of the nobler sort of them had forsaken him. But when Sidney moved him concerning Brest for a place of retreyt for the English, and a caution for her money (which the Queene much desired), he stopped his eares. For the French could not endure that the English should set footing in France for a possession in any place, much lesse in the Port Townes, haply not forgetting how easily they in times past (being possessed of the Ports) over-ranne France with their victories, and how hardly they departed from their possession. So the Counsaile which she had given against the Spaniards, the French turned against the English.
19. The Queene also, to secure her owne people against the Spaniards, strengthened the Iles of Silly with a fort built in Saint Marias Ile, which in respect to the plot thereof being fashioned like a starre, shee called Stella Maria, placing therein a Garison; and she also fortified the Iles of Guernsay and Jersey lying over against France, and other places, with great cost, and much alacrity, though the times were then somewhat sad and heavy.
20. For all this yeere London was most grievously afflicted with the Pestilence, Saturne running through the uttermost point of Cancer, and the beginning of Leo, as in the yeere 1563, insomauch as there dyed this yeere of the Pestilence and other diseases within the City and the Suburbs 17890 persons, besides William Roe Maior, and three Aldermen. Bartholomew Fayre was not kept, and Michaelmasse Terme was holden at Saint Albanes, twenty miles from the City. Where Richard Hasket was condemned and executed for treason, who being secretly sent by the English fugitives, perswaded Ferdinand Earle of Darby (whose father Henry was lately deceased) to take upon him the title of the Crowne, fetching his pedigree from his great Grandmother Mary, the daughter of King Henry the seventh, and made him large promises of men and money from the Spaniard, threatning the Earle with assured destruction, unlesse he did it, and concealed the matter. But the Earle fearing lest some trappe were layd for him, accused the man, who by his owne confession acknowledged the crime at the bar, detesting those which had given him Counsell. Yet those menaces fayled not of performance; for the Earle, after foure moneths dyed miserably of a horrid kind of death, as in proper place we will declare.
21. Within the compasse of this yeere quietly yielded to death two most Noble Earles of England of the Order of the Garter, viz. Henry Stanley aforementioned, Earle of Darby, the sonne of Edward by Dorothy the daughter of Thomas Howard the fifth Duke of Norfolke, who begat on Margaret the daughter of Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by Elenor Brandon Neice to Henry 8 by his sister Lady Mary, Ferdinand and William, who succeeded in their order. And Henry Ratcliffe Earle of Sussex, Captaine of the great Port, or Portsmouth, having his onely sonne Robert, by Honora the daughter of Anthony Pound. But in his Captaineship succeeded Charles Blount, who was afterward Lord Mountjoy.
22. These were accompained into another life by three Noble Barons, Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton, that great warriour, of the Order of the Garter, to whom succeeded Thomas his sonne by Jane Sibyll Morison; Henry Lord Cromwell Grand-sonne to Thomas that Earle of Essex so much spoken of, who is accounted amongst the laughing-games of Fortune; to whom succeeded Edward his sonne, by Mary the daughter of John Powlet Marquesse of Winchester; and Henry Lord Wentworth, to whom was borne by Anne Hopton, Thomas his sonne and heir.
23. Neither is Christopher Carlile to bee passed over in silence, whose martiall prowesse was famous by sea and land, in the Low-Countries, France, Ireland, and in America at Carthagena, Sancto Domingo, etc. as I said in the yeere 1585, who with those above named departed into a better life.
24. In Ireland O-Conor Dun, Mac-Davy, O-Brien, great Lords in Connacht, and others, complayned that the were most unjustly questioned in Law for lands anciently belonging to the Mortymers Earles of March, which notwithstanding they had usurped not by any right, but by long prescription of time. The powerfull Lords also of Ulster, who now a good while since feared lest the English imposed on them, and the Territories divided into Counties, would by little and little abate their tyranny over the people (as they had seene done in Monghan), beganne to hatch rebellion conceived in their minds. And first, Hugh O-Donnell suddenly surprised the Castle of Montrose. At this time increased the grudges betwixt the Earle of Tir-Oen and Sir Henry Bagnall, Marshall of the Irish Army, whose sister the Earle had forcibly taken to wife. The Earle complained before the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chancellour, and others, that whatsoever part of Ulster hee had with his labours and expense of his blood reduced to the Queenes obedience, turned to the profit of the Marshall, and not of himselfe; that the Marshall had falsly accused him of treason, suborning most base men for witnesses against him; that he had incited the Lord Deputy to his destruction; that hee had layd a plot for his life; and had falsely and unfaithfully reported his answers to the Queene. And indeed, the Marshall found credite in the Court untill the Earle ,writing letters into England, offered to stand his triall either in England or Ireland. Yet it is held for certaine that he and the Lords of Ulster had by secret conspiracies entred a little before this time into a League to maintaine the Romish Religion (for Religion is now every where made a cloake for rebellion), to exclude Sheriefes and garisons out of their Territories, to protect one anothers rights, and defend themselves against the injuries of the English. Mac-Guyre a powerful Lord in Fermanagh, was the next after O-Donel that was thrust forth to strike up the Drumme; a man of a turbulent and most quarrelsome spirit, who complained that he and his were unworthily vexed by the Sheriefe. He brake into the neighbouring Countries to gather booty, hee entred to Connacht accompanied with Gauran a Priest, who being by the Pope designed Primate of Ireland, willed him to rely upon God and trie his fortune, promising him assured victory. Yet he fell out otherwise, Mac-Guyre being put to flight through the fortitude of Sir Richard Bingham, and the Primate with many moe slayne. Shortly after, Mac-Guyre broke forth into open rebellion, whom Tir-Oen prosecuting under a dissembled shew of duty, received a wound with great commendation for his fortitude and fidelity. Dowdell a stout English Captaine wonne Iniskellin, a most strong hold of Mac-Guyers in the Lake Erne, putting the Garision to the sword. And about this time, the meere Irish (who for the most part are unfaithfull to the English) were first taken for leaders and souldiers, but not very providently, as the wiser sort then judged, and the English found afterward by experience. Meane while the Earle of Tir-Oen watching his advantage, Turlogh Leinigh being dead who had borne the title of O-Neal, arrogated the same title to himselfe (in comparison whereof the very title of Caesar is contemptible in Ireland), contrary to that he had sworne, and was provided against by a statute of treason. Yet he excused it, saying that he did it lest others of the house of O-Neal should invade the same. But he promised to renounce it, yet hee earnestly besought that hee might not be bound thereto by oath. Hee intercepted also the sonnes of Shan O-Neal, whereof one or two (I know not by whose connivence) had escaped out of prison, lest they should oppose his enterprises, and being often commanded by the Lord Deputy to set them at liberty, he refused so to doe (for such was the favour they had amongst their people, that they could easily have overthrowne him), but falling to other matter, complained most grievously of the Lord Deputies ill will towards him, the cunning plots of the Marshall, and the injuries of the garison souldiers, which notwithstanding he soone after bare so covertly that, as if he had forgotten all, hee went to the Lord Deputy upon his word, submitted himselfe, and professing all obedience, returned home.