1. IN the beginning of this yeere, the Queene being continually busied with the cares of the Realme, that she might amongst so great expences upon the Irish warre provide her selfe of mony, appointed certaine Commissioners to confirme for money the Queenes lands which were of controverted title to the possessors (for a turbulent kinde of men called Concealers put the possessors to chargeable troubles). For she commanded by Proclamation that the old Lawes of Edward the fourth, Richard the Second, Henry the fourth, and other Acts for the not transporting of gold and silver coyned and in Bullion out of the Realme should be observed; and bent her selfe to a more intent care of Irish matters then of other things. For Tir-Oen, after the Earle of Essex his returne, being puffed with pride for his prosperous successess, vaunted himself as Monarch of all Ireland; and that he might by his presence more and more spread abroad the flame which being absent he had kindled in Munster, hee went thither in the midst of winter under colour of a religious pilgrimage to see a piece of our Lords Cross, which is thought to be kept in Saint Crosses Monestary of Tipperary, and by his exhortations and goodly promises thrust very many into rebellion. James Fitz-Thomas, a kinsman of tJames Earle of Desmond, whom the Rebels had proclaimed Earle, he advanced to the honour of Earle of Desmond, and Florence Mac-Carty to the title of Mac-Carty More; from the suspected hee wrested hostages, and sent men to pillage the faithfull subjects lands under the leading of Mac-Guire, the boldest of the Rebels; who by chance light upon Sir Warham St. Leger Knight, who ran him thorow with a lance, and was withall ran thorow by him.
  2. When this flame now burst forth into a more powerfull fire then could be quenched by the Earle of Ormond who was designed Generall of the Army, and by Sir George Cary Treasurer, which two governed Ireland with the title of Justicers, the Queene, who had beene ever happy in her owne choyce, sent in the middest of winter, beyond the opinion of all men, Charles Blunt, Lord Mountjoy Lord Deputy in to Ireland, whom she judged to be of a most able disposition both to command and to obey. He arrived in Ireland with some few men in the moneth of February without any noyse; the State of Ireland he found much languishing, yea, most desperate. For Tir-Oen had travelled without resistance the whole length of the Ireland from the farthermost part of Ulster into Munster (as I have said) in triumphant manner. All the best men languished through adverse successes, without hope of remedy or ease; the worst sort of men by reason of continuall prosperity aspired higher; and without doubt all the nobler ranke conspired secretly to resume their liberty, which they complained was oppressed. Clement the eighth, Bishop of Rome, encouraged them by an indulgence out of the Treasury of the Church, as their phrase is. Wherein (to contract it into few words) hee first commendeth the Prelates and Noblemen of Ireland that they had with all their ayd and forces assisted James Giraldine, John his cousin German, and now very lately his beloved sonne Hugh Prince O-Neale, Earle of Tir-Oen, Captaine Generall of the Catholike Army in Ireland. And then hee goeth on in these words: Wee, to the end that you, both Captaine and Souldiers, may with the more alacrity performe your service hereafter toward this expedition against heretikes, being willing to assist you with spirituall graces and favours, led by the example of our precesseors, and relying on the mercy of Almighty God and the authority of his blessed Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wee (I say) doe mercifully grant in the Lord to all and every of you which doe follow Hugh Earle of Tir-Oen your leader, and his Army, maintainers and defenders of the Catholike Faith, and shall joyne your selves with them, or assist them in this expedition with counsaile, favour, victuals, armes, and other munition and provision for the warre, or by any other meanes whatsoever, and to the said Hugh your leader, and all and every the souldiers of his Army, if they bee truly penitent and confesse themselves, and also be refreshed (if it may be) with the holy Communion, plenary pardon and remission of all your sinnes, and the same remission which was wont to bee granted by the Bishops of Rome to those that went forth to warre against the Turks, and for the recovery of the holy land, notwithstanding etc. Given at Rome at Saint Peters under the Fisher’s ring, in the ninth yeere of our Popedome. M. Vestrius Barbianus.
  3. The Rebels, to terrifie the Lord Deputy who was newly come, sounded the Trumpet in the very suburbs of Dublin. But hee, neglecting all this, was inflamed with a desire to charge upon the Archrebell himselfe as he returned out of Munster. Having therefore assembled a sudden power (for the selected bands were absent in Munster with the Earle of Ormond), he hastened into Fereall to stop his way, and give him battell; but h,e being advertised of this purpose of the Lord Deputy (for he had ever some of the Queenes Councell too much devoted unto him), prevented him by coasting the Countrey through narrow by-wayes. The Lord Deputy, being returned to Dublin, employed his whole care in picking out a choyce power of old souldiers to be sent by shipping to Logh-Foyl and Balashanon neere the mouth of the Lake Erne, that Tir-Oen might be pressed in the Rere, in Front, and in Flanke. His care was also for sending of ayd to the garrisons in Lease and O-phale, which was a matter full of danger and difficulty, so many Rebels lying round about.
  4. In the beginning of the moneth of May he advanced his banners towards Ulster, with purpose to divert the Rebels in that part whilest Sir Henry Docwray strengthened the garrison at Logh-Foyl and Sir Matthew Morgan that at Balashanon. These two arrived in the moneth of May at Culmo neere the mouth of Logh-Foyl with 4000 foot and 200 horse; where having raised a Fort, an another at Ellogh, they came to Derry a small City in a Peninusla of forty acres, on the one side environed a great part of it with a river, and on the other side impassable by reason of the soyle alwayes deepe and moorish, wherein where the halfe-ruined walls of a Monastery, of a Bishops Palace, of two Churches, and of an old Castell. There they built an Armory or Storehouse of Oaken bourds, and fortified the place with rough stone brought from places adjoyning and the reliques of ruined houses, and lime made of shelles; whilest Tir-Oen was continually exercised by the Lord Deputy with light skirmishes, and those daily so adverse that now, the fortune of warre being changed, he was driven backe to his lurking holes. These garrisons being thus disposed, the Lord Deputy returned in the middle of June to Dublin and demanded out of England some companies and munition, and provision for a garrison to be placed in Armach on this side, that the Rebels might bee the more narrowly straighted. In the meane time he marched into Lease, the refuge place of all the Rebels of Leinster, and slew amongst other mischievious lewd men Owy-Mac-Rory-Og, the prime man of the family of O-More, a bloody young man and of most desperate boldnesse, who had raised so great commotions lately in Munster; and having wasted their Country, drove the Rebels into the woods and forrests in such sort that they were scarce to be seene in those parts. As soone as new succours were come out of England, though there were great scarcity of victuals and money, and the Ayre now after the Equinox waxed cold in that Climate, he went into Ulster and marched to the straights of Moghery beyond Dundalke. This is holden the most cumbersome and difficult passage by nature of all Ireland, which the Rebels had fortified acrosse with trenches, palizadoes, wattles joyned together, stones cast betweene, and turfe, with great art but greater industry, on both sides betwixt the hils, the woods, and bogges, and the rivers with continuall raine for some dayes together were encreased and overflowed the banks. When the waters were sunke, the English couragiously brake thorow those fences, and having driven away the enemy and overcome those difficulties, the Lord Deputy built a Fort eight miles form Armach (for the Rebels had eaten up all things as farre as Armach) which he commanded to be called Mount Norris in memory of Sir John Norris, under whom hee had layd the first Principles of his warfare, and made a stout man Edward Blany Captaine thereof, who afterwards grievously pressed and withall repressed the Rebels in these parts. In his returne (to omit his continuall skirmishes) he gave the Rebels a memorable defeat in the narrow Passe neere Carliangford, where they had blocked up the way. Yet there dyed of the English, besides others, Doctor Latware, the Lord Deputies Chaplaine, and Cranmer his Secretary, two most learned men and in that respect most deare unto him.
  5. The Lord Deputy being returned, and Sir Matthew Morgans expedition to Balashanon of necessity put off to another time, Tir-Oen and the rest of the Rebels with all their forces advanced their colours against Sir Henry Docwray, and charging him with light skirmishes, and seeking to destroy him by treacheries, perjuries, corruptings, and frauds more than Punic, they gave him many wounds. Yet hee valiantly and fortunately wound himselfe out of dangers; the little Country of O-Cahan he wasted by the conduct of Arthur-O-Neal the sonne of Turlogh; hee took Dunalong in the view of Tir-Oen, placed John Bowles in garrison there, and within a while after he wonne Liffer Castle (O-Donnell storming at it) with the helpe of Neale Garve of the family of the O-Donels, who was allured to his party with hope of the Dynasty of Tir-Connell, which he claimed by right of blood. At which time a Spanish shippe arriving at Calebeg with armes and a little money, the Rebels hasted there in hope of sharing the prey, and left those parts to be over-runne by the English garrisons. The Lord Deputy on the other side, that no time might be lost, entred in the midst of winter into the Glynnes, that is Valleies, in Leinster, and reduced to obedience Donel Spaniah, Phelim Mac-Pheagh, and the rebellious family of the O-Towles, receiving hostages of them. Hee pierced into Fereall and drove Tyrrell, the expertest souldier amongst all the Rebels, out of his fastnesse (as they call it), a boggy place and overgrowne with bushes and brambles. And now was hee come by winding and compassing wayes into Ulster, having beene every where a conquerour; where first he wasted the little Countrey of Ferney, having slaine the two sonnes of Ever Mac-Cowley; and then sending forth Sir Richard Morison he spoyled the little province of Fues. In Breny hee placed a garrison under the care of Sir Oliver Lambert, and turning aside to Drogheda he received into his protection Turlough Mac-Henry, a great Lord in Fues, Ever Mac-Cowley, O-Hanlon, who boasted himselfe to be hereditary Standard-bearer to the King in Ulster, and many of the Mac-Mahones and O-Ralyes, who with their hostages fell downe upon their knees.
  6. These things did the Lord Deputy Montjoy in his first yeere. And no no lesse happy progresse did Sir George Carew make in Munster, the South part of Ireland, being lately made President of that Province, which was as it were dangerously sicke of a rebellion which raged over all parts under the titular Earle of Desmond. For hee at the first handled the matter in such sort with the Captaines of the mercenary souldiers out of Connacht, whom they call Bownies, and whom the Rebels had sent for, that hee removed out of the Country Dermits O-Connar by subtilty, Redmund a Burgh by putting him in hope of recovering his patrimony, and Tyrrell by putting him in feare lest hee should be killed by surprisall. Then hee so cunningly cherished distrustfulnesse, which hee had wrought amongst them by counterfeit letters, that doubting themselves they parted one from another. Afterward with the Earle of Twomund, who inseparably adhered unto him and most stoutly assisted him, hee marched against them, tooke the titular Earle (whom notwithstanding the Rebels afterward recovered), and either forced or tooke by composition the Castles of Logher, Crome, Glan, Carigfoil, Corgrag, Rathmore, and Cahir. Sir Charles Wilmot, whom he had made Governour of Kerry, reduced under his power Lixnaw, the Castle of Mainy, and Listwill; and Sir Francis Barkley, Clanemire. Captaine Graeme did so prosecute that titular Earle that hee drave him out of that Providence; and many Rebels from all parts, being terrified, submitted themselves and fled to the Queenes protection; and amongst them Florence Mac-Carty an egregious dissembler, but most of them feignedly. For it was found that very many of them had by their Priests which they sent to Rome craved pardon for this offence against the Church of Rome (to wit, that they persisted not in their rebellion), and prayed dispensation lest they should runne into open rebellion, matters standing in case as they did. To speake in a word, The President, who entred in the month of Aprill into that most troubled Province, so handled the matter that in the month of December it was most peacable, and not so much as one Fort was defended against the Queene.
  7. Whilest these things are done in Ireland, a Consultation was holden in England about a Peace to be made with the Spaniard, and that upon the same force of arguments which I have related in the yeere 1598. This peace the Archduke Albert had propounded not long before, being returned out of Spaine with his wife the Infanta, and presented with a consecrate Sword from the Bishop of Rome. And though the Queene had precisely denied to make a League of Defence with the Spaniard, to deliver the cautionary Townes, or to forbid commerce with the Hollanders and Zelanders, which things hee earnestly required, or to yeeld unto the Spaniard in the prerogative of honour, yet hee and the French King ceassed not by sending messengers one after another to intercede for peace, and that by the setting on of the Spaniard, who now was wholly bent upon peace, as well out of his owne quiet disposition as by the advise of his Councell. For he knew that his father, having made peace with the French King, desired nothing more then to conclude a Peace also with the English, so that hee might leave his Kingdomes and Countries to his sonne with the glory of a settled and sound peace. And hee was perswaded that this Peace would turne to the advancement of the Romish Religion, and his owne honour and profit also. Certainly there was hope conceived at Rome (as I have seene by a short discourse written there in these daies) that it would come to passe that hereby the followers of the Romish Religion would be more favourably dealt withall in England, who returning home might with lesse perill keepe their Religion, and more freely sow the same abroad. That this would be no lesse glorious to him, than it was to his Progenitors to have discovered the new world. That the lesser Princes also would more observe him when hee was cumbred with no warre, so as hee should from thenceforth as an indifferent Umpier moderate the world. Manifold profit also would redound unto him hereby, for the Estates of Holland and Zeland would the sooner be drawne to reasonable conditions; the money would be spared which was spent yeerely to maintine his Forces in the Netherlands, and to bring home his Indian Fleets; that these Fleets returning home safe with their treasure would infinitely enrich Spaine. That the English would by little and little neglect their shipping and navigations, when they could no longer increase their wealth with the spoiles of the Spaniards, and at the length whilest they slept securely in peace, discontinuing their following of the warres by sea and land, they might be surprized at unawares.
  8. These things though the Queene were not ignorant of, yet shee, who after mature deliberation was of opinion that peace would conduce very much to her honour and the good of England, at the importunate urging of the French King left it to him to appoint a time and place for a treaty; who appointed the month of May, and Boloigne a maritime Towne of France, which in old time was called Bononia and Gessoriacum Navale. And whereas it was fore-seene that a question would arise about priority of place in sitting and going, there were certaine men selected to inquire of this matter. These men observed that in the little book of Ceremonyes of the Court of Rome (which, as the Canons have it, doth as Lady Mother and mistresse, give a rule to others) amongst Kings the first place is due to the King of France, the second to the King of England, and the third to the King of Castile; that the English have holden that place quietly in the Generall Councels of Pisa, Constance, Senen, and Basil (although in this of Basil the Embessadour of Castile opposed himselfe somewhat immodestly). Besides, that the kingdome of Castile, the title whereof the Spaniard preferreth before his other title, is a late kingdome in respect of the kingdome of England; for it had Earles and not Kings before the yeere of Salvation 1017, and those not annointed. That amongst the Kings which they termed Superillustrious, the King of England was accompted the third, and the Spaniard the fourth. Also that the Bishop of Rome Julius the 3rd gave sentence for Henry the 7th of England against Ferdinand of Castile. That the Queene of England was before the Spaniard in time both of birth and Coronation (for this argument did the Spaniards use in the Councell of Basil against Henry the 6th of England). In briefe, that the skilfull in the law have pronounced with one voice, Precedence, whose originall [origin] is beyond the memory of man, is by law to be holden as a thing established.
  9. They observed also that whereas in the first Session of the Councell of Trent under Paul the 3rd there was one and the same Embassadour for Charles the fifth Emperour, who was also King of Spaine, and hee possessed the first place before the French Kings Embassadour in right of the Emperour, the Spaniards have ever since challenged this place, not only in the Emperours right, but also in the right of the King of Spaine, because no man contradicted it. At which time the English found a lacke of wisedome in the French Kings Embassador, in that hee contradicted it not, and made a publike contestation agains the Emperours Embassador, if hee had pretended to have taken place for the Spaniard also before the French King. They noted also that the Spaniards challenge to themselves the higher place for the large extent of the Spanish Empire, for his power above all the rest of the Kings of the world, for his great merits towards the Church of Rome, and his exraordinary place possessed in the Councell of Trent under Pius Quartus before the French King. But let us omit these things.
  10. At the day appointed, there met at Boloigne for the Queene Sir Henry Nevill Embassador Legier in France, John Herbert now made one of the Secretaries, Rober Beale Secretary to the Councell in the North, and Sir Thomas Edmunds Secretary for the French tongue; for the Spaniard, Balthazar Signiera de Zuniga, and Fonseca of the Privy Councell, and Embassador to the Low-Countries, and Ferdinando Carill Licenciate of the Order of Saint Iago, the Kings Counsellour in Castile. For the Archduke, John Richardot Signior of Barly, Chiefe President in the Councell, and Ludovic Verrekeim Audientiary and Principall Secretary. The English had in their instructions that above all things they shall have a care of the honour, safety, and publike profit of the Queene and Realme of England. As for matter of honour, that they should by no meanes yeeld the most honourable place to the Spaniard, but rather should directly yet modestly challenge it by the arguments which I have related. That if the Spanish Commissioners would not yeeld, some middle or reasonable course might be propounded lest the English should seeme to preferre matters of glory before matters of profit, as this: that the precedence should be taken by course, and the first to be taken by lot. As for safety and publike profit, that they should provide that no fraud or prejudice should be done to the English or the united Provinces in their commerce. That the English should trade freely in the Indies, forasmuch as this was granted in the treaty of the yeere 1541 in all the Dominions of Charles the fift, at the least wise in those places were the Spaniards have not set footing, and with the Indian Princes which are not under the command of the Spaniards. That the Spaniards should first propound their conditions, forasmuch as they had invited them to the treaty. That concerning Rebels and fugitives (which by the ancient Leagues with the Burgundians were to be expelled on both sides, and with the French to be restored) they should not speake a word. But if the Spanish Commissioners should propound it, they should shew that there were none in England out of the Netherlands but Merchants and Artificers, but in the Netherlands the English were maintained with pensions to trouble the State.
  11. The Letters Patents of Delegation being exhibited to one and other, the Spaniards excepted in that of the Queenes against the adjunct of Most illustrious in the Archdukes title, who being descended (as they said) of sacred Emperours, and being sonne in Law and brother to the Kings of Spaine, the husband head of the most serene Isabella Infanta eldest daughter of Spaine, was honoured by all Princes with the title of most serene. When the English shewed that an Archduke was not to be equalled to a King in title, and that no other title than most illustrious was given in the ancient treaties to the Archduke Philip father to Charles the fift, the Spaniards answered that it was no marvaile if the title most illustrious were given in that age to the Archduke Philip, seeing no other was attributed in the same treaty to King Henry the 8th. On the other side, the English noted these defects in the Kings Commission: that there wanted a forme of Subdelegation, and that the same was obscured by intermingling of other Commisioners; that it was sealed with the Kings private seale, whereas that of the Queenes was under the great Seale of England; and that there wanted a clause whereby the King should ratifie whatsoever should be concluded. They answered that the formall power of subdelegation was comprehended in these words, par trattar y hazar trattar; that the names of Private Seale and Great Seale are unheard of in Spaine; that the Kings Commission was subscribed with the Kings owne hand before his Secretary, confirmed by the publike Seale of the King and Realme; and that by these words, estar y passar, y estare y passare all things are ratified.
  12. Within a few dayes after, the title of serenissimus being solemnly inserted in the Queenes Commission as often as the Archdukes name was mentioned, the English Commissioners required that they might meet together (for till now they treated by writings and conferences with the Archdukes Commissioners), and that the priority of place might be given to the Queene. The Spaniards being displeased that the English had first challenged the first place, as if in such matters (as they often said) le premier demandeur estoit le vaincu, that is, the first challenger were the Conquerour, answered that it was a strange thing that the Kings of England should treat upon equality with the King Catholike, and a thing unheard of touching priority. The English replyed that the precedence of the kingdome of England was notoriously knowne throughout the whole world, and to bee proved by solid reasons, and that the Queenes Embassadour Legier, seeing he had a double power, was to be preferred before him that was admitted with the bare title of a Commissioner or Delegate. Edmonds also affirmed that he had signified to Richardot before the conference that the Queene would not yeeld in the point of priority. And when he pressed Richardot to answere, he denied it not, but said he would answere when they met together, and that hee did not thinke the treaty would be broken off for that cause. Then the Commissioners invited one another to banquets at their houses, under colour that they might conferre together more familiarly, but indeed that they might cunningly prevent one another of the honour. But this also was avoyeded on both sides, although the Netherlanders laboured seriously to make the Spaniards more pliable, who would not once heare that the Catholike King should acknowledge himselfe the Queene of Englands equal, because he should so of necessity confesse the French King to bee his superiour, forasmuch as it is a thing confessed that the Kings of England have given the priority to the French. Yet the English stifly persisted in the same minde, defending their ancient possession in the prerogative of honour, affirming that there neither was any just cause why the Spaniards should be offended, forasmuch as he which useth his owne right, doth nothing to the prejudice of another; nor was there any reason why the Spaniards should not acknowledge her his equall, which was as absolute a Monarch as hee, and had equall (if not more ample) priviledges of Majesty in her kingdomes. Afterwards was Edmonds sent into England, and sent backe again with these instructions to the demands: that if any course of equality in the prerogative of honour were propounded which might not bee prejudiciall to the Queene, it should be admitted, and they should not strictly insist upon their first instructions. That a perpetuall peace should be made betweene the contractors and their successors. That no mention should be made of a truce. That commerce should be reduced to the state it had beene in the yeere 1567. That a solemne covenant should be made that the shippes should not be detayned without the assent of the Prince to whose subjects they did belong. That they should by no meanes consent that the Spaniards shippes of warre should bee received into the Queenes ports. That if commerce in the Indies were once denied, they should passe over the matter in silence, as the French had done in the treaty of Cambresis and Vervin. So every one should try his fortune at his owne perill. For by admitting a restraint, the navigation of the English into those parts would from thencefroth bee prejudiced. That they should also say nothing of the Rebels and fugitives, like as the French had done in the treaty of Bloys and Vervin. That they should promise that the English garrisons in the cautionary Townes should onely defend the Townes, and not serve in the wars against the Spaniards. And that they should declare that the Queene was certainely determined that her subjedcts should trade in the Archdukes Provinces, and yet the English souldiers serving under the Estates should not be called home. And finally, that they should accommodate themselves to matters according to place and time, which minister better counsailes to men, then men to things, observing diligently whereunto this treaty tended, whether it were to hold the Queenes minde in suspense while they invaded England or Ireland, or to draw the united Provinces to their part, and sever them from the English.
  13. In the meane time the Archduke, being much cumbred with a hot war in Flanders, complained that ayds and succors were sent to the Estates by the Queene, and shippes prepared for the Indies. The Commissioners answered that these things were unknowne to them; but if they were true, this was no innovation, but a continuation of those things which were begunne before the treaty, and were to be tollerated till a peace were concluded, laying a recrimination upon the Spaniard, that he had openly supplyed munition and money to the Rebels in Ireland, received hostages from them, and promised them auxiliary forces, and that this appeared plainely by his owne letters, which were sent over to the Queene by the Rebels to winner her favour, and were now ready to be produced. Besides, this was a plaine innovation, forasmuch as the Spaniards father never relieved them but covertly. Whilest these things were argued and debated, and suspitions increased that peace was propounded and another thing cunningly intended, the Spanish Commissioners told them that the Catholike King would by no meanes grant the priority, or admit the equality, and had peremptorily commanded them that the treaty should bee dissolved. This much troubled both the Archdukes and the Queenes Commissioners. And to the end that the treaty might not be dissolved, the English propounded that, omitting the question of priority, they might treat by writing and mutuall conferences with the Archdukes Commissioners, as hitherto they had done, or else by messengers to be sent to and fro betwixt them. The Spanish propounded that if there might be a meeting in Holland, and the Estates would also meet there, they would treat in any place of Holland which were not in the Queenes power. But if they would meet in any place of the Spanish dominion, they would receive the English with that course of civility as every man entertaineth a guest in his owne house. It was also propounded that the treaty might be prorogued for 60 dayes, so as it might seeme rather discontinued than dissolved, and in the meane time every one should doe his best to perswade a peace, if it so seemed good to the Princes on both sides. But all was in vaine: for presently both the Spanish and the Archdukes Commissioners poasted home more hastily than was expected, and the Queene forthwith called home hers, having first made a protestation that she out of a sincere minde had omitted nothing that could be required in a Christian and absolute Princesse for the establishing of a true, firme, and perpetuall peace, that the effusion of Christian blood might be spared, forasmuch as she (to speake summarily), though there were many suspitions of double dealing, succors being lately sent into Ireland to the Rebels, yet had she (I say) at their request sent her Commissioners to this treaty; and whereas she saw no cause why she should yeeld the priority to the Spaniard (as she had intimated by Edmonds before the treaty), she required onely an equality, and if that would not be admitted, she refused not to treat by writings and messengers to be sent betwixt them. Thus after three months did the treaty at Boloygne expire.
  14. The Estates in the meane time, having prosperous successe in their affaires above their wish, were so farre from any desire of peace that at this very time they had a designe to reduce the maritime coast of Flanders into their hands for securing their navigations (for Spinola’s gallies infested the sea), and to free Ostend the onely Towne they had in Flanders, and which was brought into straights by sconces built round about it. These seemed matters of easie performance, the state of the enemy being now distressed, the old souldiers some of them revolting, and some mutyning. Having therefore leavied 14000 foot and 3000 horse under the conduct of Grave Maurice of Nassaw, unto which the chiefe of the Estates joyned themselves, they determined to land at Ostend; but the winde being contrary, they landed their Army at Philips sconce in Flanders at an ebbing water, by the helpe of flat -bottomed boats rowed to the land at flowing water; and spread such a terror all abroad that the garrison souldiers by the way, even those of the most strong sconce of Saint Albertus neere Ostend, yeelded themsleves; and the eight day after, having waded over the Creeke of the sea, they came to Newport without difficulty. The next day, as they were casting to intrench themselves, behold, beyond expectation newes was brought them that the Archduke hasted toward them with 7000 foot and 1000 horse. For he, pursuing them, marched night and day, recovered most of the sconces, overthrew 800 Scots layd to stop his passage, and cut off the wearied souldiers almost as farre as Newpoert. Here the Spaniards thought good to make a stand to recover Albertus sconce, and drawing a trench to barre Grave Maurice his men of victualls. But the Archduke having gathered courage by his happy successe, refused this counsaile as dishonourable for men of warre. On the other side, Grave Maurice was not slacke, but preparing himselfe to fight the foot Forces (which were in the vauntguard) hee committed to Sir Francis Vere (as Vere hath written in his commentaries); Count Ludovic of Nassaw hee made Generall of the horse; and they all resolved as soone as the tide served to wade over the creeke. Vere commanded his men to put off their clothes, saying that either they should need none, or get better by and by; he chose a most commodious place for the battell, where there lyeth a narrow plaine betwixt the sea and the sand hils, and the hillocks as well to sea-ward as to land-ward rise of a pretty height. In the highest of these hils he placed the English (which were not above 1500) and 2500 Frisians, musketiers. Grave Maurice now propounded whether they should march against the enemy or attend him here; most were of opinion to march, for so they should terrifie the enemy and carry away the victory, whereas by expecting him they should abate the courage of their owne men and increase the courage of the enemies, who would also have opportunity to fortifie themselves to barre them both of returne and victuals. Vere was of opinion to the contrary, that the enemies army being suddenly leavied was not so well provided of victuals that it could hold out long in a Country that was wasted with warre; that lacke of victuals was not to be feared, for they had enough in their shippes, and the sea was open to bring unto them all necessaries; that the enemies after a long march wearied with climbing up and descending downe the steepe hils in the heate of the Sunne might easily bee defeated being received by fresh men. This counsaile Grave Maurice embracing made a stand in that place, appointed certaine companies to prohibite an eruption of the garrison out of Newport, commanded the shipping to bee withdrawne farther off, that his men might have no hope but in desperation, and set his battaile in order, placing six Peeces of Ordnance before the first battaile. The Archduke, now being come neere Newport, deliberated an houre or two whether he were best to stay there or refresh his weary men and expect the comming up of his troupes that followed, and so lost the oportunity both of place and time. Yet being full of hope, he cheerefully advanced his colours, and when hee saw the space grow narrow and incommodious for horsemen by reason of the tide comming in, so as they were of necessity to turne aside to the sand hils, he sent forth a prisoner of purpose (to strike a terror into the enemy), to cry out that the Scots were put every man to the sword and the battaile not to be joyned, but his mouth was soone stopped. Now Vere advised to send forth the horse against the approaching enemy, but the Generall of the horse (haply envying Vere’s glory) would not. The Ordnance therefore by Vere’s commandement discharged, the enemies were routed, and betooke themselves to the hils, attending the comming up of their foot, who marching along the shoare played upon Grave Maurice his men now and then with their Ordanance; and they themselves also, the tide increasing, were shot at from the ships, and their files being doubled by reason of the narrownesse of the place and disordered, they climbed the hils and were out of breath. Vere tooke his standing on the top of the foremost hill, that he might from aloft observe the motions of the enemy; against whom 500 Spaniards, ascending without colours and without order, were received by the Frison musketiers with a volley of small shot and driven backe. Then there arose a most confused fight according to the inequality of the place, rising here into little hils, and there sinking into valleyes, wherein the sand was so loose that there was no where any firme footing. Yet was the fight maintained very manfully by fresh troopes sent in from both sides, whilest they ascended and descended; and now the one and then the other, according to the advantage of the place, either overcame or were overcome. Vere, discharging the office of a Commander and a souldier both at once, was hurt, first in his legge, and a little while after in his thigh, yet he concealed it lest he should discourage his souldiers; and they that were with him were so overlayed that they descended to the Ordnance by the sea shoare; he himselfe, following against his will, has his horse shot, which fell and lay upon him till Sir Robert Drury and Higham helped him up and mounted him upon Drury’s horse, and that in good time, for the enemy was at hand. At the Ordnance he found his brother Horace with 300 foot; he commanded the Ordnance now to be discharged upon the enemies who marched now very thicke upon the narrow shoare; his owne troope of horse, and that of Bale, he commanded to charge upon the enemy, and Horace Vere with his foot to be ready at hand; who beat the enemy to the hils, from whence they were beaten backe with a showre of small shot. And withall, as soone as they saw Grave Maurice advance the middle battell, first the horsemen and then the foot fled confusedly, and in the flight were defeated with a great slaughter. There were slaine about 9000. There were taken prisoners the Admirall of Argon, Vigilare, Sapena, and very many of noble note. There were hurt the Archduke himselfe, who omitted no duty of a most valiant Commander, the Duke D’Aumale, Alphonso Davales Camp-master, Roderico Lasso, and others. But let the writers of the Netherland history relate these things; for me it may suffice to have made these summary, out of Sir Francis Vere’s commentaries, who how great the vertue of the English was in this battaile hath left to be esteemed even heereby, that of 1500 English who were there, 800 were slaine and hurt, 8 Captaines lost, and all the rest but two hurt: The Spaniards imputed this defeat to the number of the enemies, which was greater than theirs, to their wearinesse through their long march, to the Sunnes being against them, to the winde which blew the sand into their faces, to the unevennesse of the ground, the cowardise of their owne horsemen, and the valour of the English. Whereof Sir Francis and Horace Vere brethren, Edward Cecyll, Calisthenes Brooke, Thomas Knolles, Daniel Vere, John Ogle, Taxley, Fairfax, Valvasor, Holcroft, Denis, Tyrell, Hamond, Sutton, Foster, Garnet, Morgan, and Scot deserved singular commendations for their fortitude.
  15. Betwixt the English and the French all this yeere, as also the last, complaints were heard concerning Reprisals, which through the insolency of Pirates on both sides were growne too common. But now an agreement was made by the procuremenet of Monsiuer Thumier Boississe the French Embassador, a most grave man, That the subjects of both Princes should be taken into mutuall protection to exercise lawfull Merchandies according to the former treaties. That sufficient security should be taken for Merchants shippes, and others, to be sent forth with munition for warre and Reprisals, in the double value of the provision and victuals of the shippe, and for others without Reprisals in the single value. That of the Officers of the Admiralty should take no security, or that which was insufficient, they should be bound to answer for the injuries done through their default. That care should be had of the charges of the Merchants, that their causes should be dispatched within 6 months, if it might be convenientlly. That sentences given in actions brought at the Civill Law should from thenceforth be fully executed against all and every delinquents. That the sureties should performe the penalty agreed upon, so farre onely till satisfaction be made to the person wronged. That if Justice were denyed after three months from request made by either Prince or his or her Embassador Legier, Reprisals from thenceforth might be granted. That no kinde of armes or munition for warre should be transported into the King of Spaines Dominions. That if any thing should be taken or detained by the Kings or Queenes Officers, the price not being payed, care should be taken by both their Majesties that due payment be made in convenient time. That the shippes sent forth by immediate command of the Prince, or taken by the Admirals of the Kings or Queenes fleet for publique use, should be holden for the Kings or Queenes ships, and if any thing be commited by them, the Princes themselves should see that Justice should be administered. That Reprisals should not onely be suspended, but also quite revoked on both parts. That publique Proclamations should be made that no division, transportation, or alienation should be permitted of goods taken, and that no man should buy, receive, or conceale them, unlesse they should be decided to be just and lawfull prize by decree of the Judge of the Admiralty. That no Pirates should be received into Cities, Ports, or Townes, or permitted to ride at anchor, but should be detained and brought to tryall, and that upon penalties due by law, with reparation of dammages and interest. Yet that these things should not be taken otherwise but with this protestation, that if any thing should be repugnant to the ancient Leagues, nothing should be understood to be derogated therefrom, but to the end that better provision might be made against piracyes, according to the iniquity of these times, this should be taken onely by way of provision till a more ample treaty of every thing might be had to the commodity of both Princes. Contentions also and suits arose about new Customes imposed upon English Merchandies contrary to the treaty of Bloys, about corrupt and deceitfull making of English cloaths, to the dishonour of our Nation. The Queene also mildely demanded the money lent heretofore to the King, and some part thereof was repayed with signification of his most thankefull minde in most ample words.
  16. And not onely in France, but in Denmarke also a contention was renewed about commerce and the fishings of the English upon the coast of Norwey and neere Iseland, and that upon this ground. The King of Denmarke, taking offence the last yeere at these fishings and the piracies of the English, surprized at unawares with an armed fleet the Englishmen of Hull fishing neere Norwey, confiscated their ships and goods to a great value, and subjected the Saylers to torture, saying that this punishment, together with an interdict of fishing, had beene denounced in England two yeeres before, for that they had not demanded licence. These things being done without examination of the cause first had, the Queene tooke in indignation as acts of hostility done without any regard of her person, her subjects, or of ancient Leagues. Shee seriously sollicited him for those of Hull by letters sent by Stephen Leisier and Thomas Ferrar. Shee acknowledged that Whitfield and Bernis had in words pretended that the fishing of Iseland and Norwey was exercised by the English contrary to the Leagues, but hee had made no proofe. Shee shewed that many priviledges of fishing had beene granted to the English by the ancient Kings of Norwey before the conjunction of Denmarke and Norwey, and that the same priviledges were confirmed by John and Christierne Kings of Denmarke. Whereas it was avouched out of the treaty of King John that licence for fishing was to be demanded from seven yeeres to seven yeeres, and that the fault of omitting it was not in the English but in the Danes. For till the expulsion of King Christierne in the yeere 1521 that licence from seven yeeres to seven yeeres had been demanded, and from that time neither Frederic the Kings great grandfather, nor Christian his grandfather, nor Frederic his father had exacted it, which Frederic promised by his letter written in the yeere 1585 that if the English would abstaine from injuries, they should enjoy the liberty which before they enjoyed, without demanding of licence. That the English therefore were now injuriously dealt withall, forasmuch as of late thy refused not from thenceforth to aske licence from seven yeeres to seven yeeres as in old time; and the famousest Lawyers have judged that the sea is free and common by the law of Nations, and cannot be interdicted by any Prince. What should I use many words? The Queene required that the whole matter might be referred either to Commissioners on both sides, or else to the Elector of Brandenburg the Kings father in law, the Duke of Mecklenburg, and Henic Julius Duke of Brunswick the Kings brother in law, as Arbitrators. The King refused. And when neither Stephen Leisier nor Ferrat, which were sent into Denmarke, nor Nicholas Crag a most learned man sent into England, could compound the matter, it was agreed at length that Commissioners on both sides should be sent to Embden. Thither the Queene sent Richard Bancroft Bishop of London, Christopher Parkins, and John Swale Doctor of law, to treat with the Danish Commissioners. But whenas the Engish by reason of contrary windes, or I know not what other error, came not at the day prefixed, the Danes, pretending that the time of their delegation was expired, hastened home, or else, as some thought, for that their provision for victuals failed them, sailed home (for the Danes doe allow their Embassadors a certaine quantity of victuals, and not a daily pension in money as other Princes doe), and they would not heare any motion that they should desire of the King a prolongation of their authority. Hereupon the English complained as if the Danes intended nothing else but that matters might continue in the same state they then were, to wit, that they might daily exact new customes of the English in the Straight of Oresound, confiscate their shippes and goods by new decrees, and prohibite their fishing in the open North Ocean, and their navigation by that sea into Muscovia.
  17. The Queene neverthelesse, for the increase of navigation, the honour of the Kingdome, and the amplification of Commerce, instituted in those daies a Company or Society of East India Merchants with large priviledges; who sent thither with three ships James Lancaster, whom wee have spoken of in the yeere 1594, that hee valiantly wonne Fernembuck in Brasil. And they have luckily sent a fleet thither every yeere since to their profit, and for the honour of the English Nation have placed Empories in Lurat, in the Empire of the great Mogoll, in Mossoluputan, Bantan, Patane, Siam, Sagad, Mecassar, and also in Japan, and have with happy victories repressed the insolency of the enemy and Turkish treachery; whether to the good of the Common-wealth, so great a masse of silver being exported out of England, ansd such a multitude of Saylers consumed every yeere, let the wise speake and posterity see.
  18. Whilest the Queene thus sought to enrich her subjects, Clement the eight Bishop of Rome, knowing that shee was now striken in yeeres, to the end hee might advance the Romish Religion in England sent two Breves (as they call them) into England, the one to the Popish Clergy, the other to the people, wherein he warned them That they should admit no man how neere soever in bloud for King after the Queenes death, unlesse hee were such a one as would not onely tolerate the Catholike Roman Religion, but also promote the same with his whole endeavour and assistance, and undertake by oath according to the manner of his Ancestors to performe the same. But these breves as were sent privily, so were they kept closely and communicated to very few. Yet hereof was conceived that dreadfull Monster of the horrible powder treason. As these Breves were sent forth from Rome to exclude King James from his hereditary kingdome of England, so also was the Sword prepared at the same time in Scotland by the Rethvens, brethren to take away his life; who boyling with revenge for the putting to death of their father the Earle Goury by law in the Kings nonage, by a wile enticed the King, to whom they were much bounden, into their house, most wickedly appointed him to the slaughter, and had indeed murdered him had not God which is the Protector of Kings, through the fortitude of the King himselfe strugling with them, and the helpe of John Ramsey and Thomas Areskin, turned that wicked plot against the heads of the authors. For as they were committing trhe fact they were slaine themselves, the accessaries of the fact were put to death, and in an Assembly of the Estates of the Realme their goods and lands were confiscate, the house razed to the ground, their bodies quartered and set upon poles in diverse Townes, and as many as beare the name of Rethven were commanded to lay downe their name of Gentility for the damning of their memory. Yet let it not be layd upon me as an imputation to have related the damning thereof, seeing others have most fully committed the same to writing.
  19. About this time there was a grievous complaining throughout England of dearth of Corne, which grew partly through a rainy constitution of the heaven about the end of the last yeere, partly through a cold Spring this yeere, and partly through the private avarice of some which, having obtained a licence, transported great store into forraine Countryes to their exceeding great gaine. The Common people, which are moved no lesse with opinion than certaine ground of reason, taxed the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst both by reproachfull words and scandalous libels, as if he had given them licence. Which when he neglected not, but fled to the Queene, who by Proclamation testified his innocency, laying the fault upon the hucksters and regraters, she commanded these raylers to be apprehended and punished. But they (such is the querelous malice of the vulgar) complained the more, and taxed him in secret as if he did acknowledge it.
  20. Six moneths had the Earle of Essex beene now detained in custody at the Lord Keepers, when out of his innated goodnesse, the sense of this heavy affliction, and the wholesome counsaile of his friends, especially the Lord Henry Howard, he beganne seriously to repent, determined to remove farre from him such as suggested unto him corrupt counsailes, namely Sir Gilly Merick and Cuffe, and put on such piety, patience, modesty, and humility, that his friends had great hopes of him, all men extolled him with praises, his adversaries envyed him, and the Queene, being appeased with his most humble letters, suffered him to depart to his owne private house under the free custody of Sir Richard Barkeley, protesting now and then that shee would doe nothing against him to his undoing, but onely to his amendment.
  21. But whereas the vulgar sort spread abroad his innocency every where, it seemed good to the Queene, for removing of all suspicion of too much severity, injustice, and prejudice from her selfe and her Councell, that his cause should be plainely heard, not in the Starre-Chamber, lest he should be heavily fined, but in the Lord Keepers house, before the Queenes Councell, foure Earles, two Barons, and foure Judges, and that as it were a certaine censorious animadversion should be used, yet without any note of perfidiousnesse. The chiefe heads of the accusation against him were these: that contrary to that he had in charge, he had made the Earle of Southampton Generall of the horse. That hee had bestowed the dignity of Knightgood upon many. That he had drawne his forces into Munster, neglecting Tir-Oen the Archrebell. That he had conference with him not becoming the Queenes Majesty, nor the dignity of a Lord Deputy, and, which was the more suspect, because it was in secret. All these points the Queenes learned Councell highly aggravated, producing out of his letters letters written above two yeeres before (whreof copies were lately dispersed by his followers) these short abrupt sentences: No tempest is more furious than the indignation of an impotent Prince. The Queenes heart is hardened. Cannot Princes erre? Can they not wrong their subjects? What I owe as a subject I know well, and what as Earle Marshall of England. From hence they argued as if hee esteemed the Queene for an impotent Princesse, and voyd of reason, compared her to Pharoah, whose heart was hardened, that she cared no longer for truth and Justice, and as if he, besides his fidelity, ought [owed] neither obedience nor thankfulnesse. Some points also of lesser moment they objected unto him out of a Booke of the deposing of Richard the second, dedicated unto him.
  22. Hee kneeling at the Table upon one knee thanked Almighty God for all his benefits, and his most gracious Princesse which would not have his cause to be heard publikely in the Starre-Chamber, but commanded that cup to passe (for those were his words) and him to bee censured within a private house. He professed therefore that he would not contest with her, nor in the whole, or in part excuse the errors of his young inconsiderate yeeres, and of his weaknesse. Hee protested that he had most sincerely kept his alleagiance, and had not had so much as a thought not to obey; and that hee would ever be obedient. Briefely, that in all things his meaning was good, howsoever it fell out otherwise; and that now he would bid the world farewell. And withall he shed plenty of teares; the standers by also wept with him for joy, out of the great hope they had of him. Yet could he not containe himselfe, but began to make excuse that he had made Southampton Generall of the horse out of a credulous error that the Queene would admit the reasons which he yeelded; but they being rejected, he presently displaced him. That hee had bestowed the dignity of Knighthood upon many, that he might retaine the Gentlemen voluntiers about him. That he had undertaken the warre in Munster by the inconsiderate advice of the Councell of Ireland; that Ormund the principall of them rued the same by the losse of his sight, and Sir Warham St. Leger by a cruell death. As he was going forward, the Lord Keeper stayed him and put him in minde to goe forward as hee had first begunne, and to fly to the Queenes mercy, who would not have him charged with perfidiousnesse, but with contempt and disobedience, and not to pretend obedience in words which in deeds he had little performed. For by extenuating his offences hee might seeme to extenuate the Queenes clemency. That it was absurd to shadow open disobedience with a will to obey. What every one said it is needlesse to repeat, seeing they were in a manner the same which were either before spoken, or after to be spoken in the Starre-Chamber. In conclusion, the Lord Keeper pronounced that hee should be removed from the place of a Counsellor, suspended from his offices of Earle Marshall and Master of the Ordnance, and deteined in custody during the Queenes pleasure. These censures the rest approved by their voyces, and many conceived good hope that he should ere long bee received againe into favour, forasmuch as the Queene had expressely commanded that he should not bee suspended from his Mastership of the Horse (as if she would use his service againe), and that this censure should by no meanes remaine upon record.
  23. Some which had observed the nature of the Queene, the Earle, and his adversaries, and the consequence of events, increased this hope by these probable arguments: that the Queene being a Princesse born to clemency and placability, in her wisedome knew that mercy is the establishment of a Throne. That she could and would have pitty, and withall be wise. That shee would not by irritating so great a man drive him into desperation. That she would by no meanes have him persih, because he might be of use to the Common-wealth. That shee had hitherto directed all her actions to the rule of Justice; that shee intended the Earles amendment, not his ruine. That this word of a Prince was to be accounted as an Oracle (and as nothing is done of God which may imply a contradiction, so neither of Princes). Morever, that she hated no lesse than did Mithridates such as maliciously persecuted vertue forsaken of fortune. That whom she once deigned to favour, to them she alwayes constantly continued her favour. That many which had faulted more grievously had not quite lost her favour, namely, that the Earle of Sussex had beene accused concerning the Irish treasons; the Duke of Norfolke accused by Crofts and Sadleir for not observing his instructions in the siege of Leeth; Bacon Lord Keeper for a booke written by Hales touching the succession of the Crowne; Henry Earle of Arundell, Henry, Southamptons father, and Lumley, about secret counsailes with the Queene of Scots; Crofts for a private conference with the Prince of Parma; Walsingham for the intercepting of the King of Scots by Gowry without her knowledge, or the knowledge of the rest of the Councell; and the Earle of Leicester for Low-Countrey matters. And yet neverthelesse every of these fully recovered their former favour. But the Earles of Northumberland and Westmorland who had conspired with forreiners the destruction of their Prince and Couintrey, and had taken up the banners of rebellion, were justly put to death; and so was the Duke of Norfolke also, which contrary to his faith given, had offended the second time in one and the same kinde, in seeking to marry the Queene of Scots, concealing the counsailes which she revolved with forreiners and relieving the Scots which were proclaymed enemies to England. As was also the Queene of Scots, though seemed secured by her prerogative of inunction [being an anointed sovereign], when she entred into overthwart [adverse] and violent courses to set her selfe at liberty, insomuch as the safety of the Queene and Realme was indangered, and no other more wholesome remedy could be devised by the Estates of the Realme. But to the Earle of Essex there was not any thing of this kinde objected, who onely slipping through error was by the sentence of all the Councell, and of the Queene her selfe, absolved from all perfidiousnesse, and (to call him backe from despaire to hope) advanced none of his adversaries in this his depression, though they importunately sued for higher dignities.
  24. That the Earle for the Nobility of his descent (for he was issued of the blood Royall, though a farre off), and the hope of his vertue, had beene in his young dayes chosen out by the Queene from amongst many, and then highly beloved by her; and had also endured her displeasure, even to the receiving of a box on the eare; that hee had deserved passing well of his Countrey both at home and abroad; that there was not any other of the English Nation furnished with the skill and knowledge of a Commander, to mannage warre and repell all hostile attempts, nor more deare to the people; and therefore hee was the meetest man to pacifie commotions if any should arise, and restore the Common-wealth, and flatly the worthiest man to be most fully enlightened with the gracious aspect and wholesome influence of the Queene. That severity towards one which had deserved well, did belong to all. That nothing gave more courage to the enemy than if those men should be hardly dealt withall, which were eminent above the rest and were accompted harmlesse. That hee had not any more deadly enemies than (as was said in old time of Germanicus) his owne ornaments; and that those which were his adversaries had nothing to complaine of him more than his greatnesse. With whom notwithstanding they despaired not to returne into favour, seeing that hee as well as Pompey was not sharpe to his adversaries, and to such as yeelded placable.
  25. That his adversaries did not all agree together in opinion, but were distracted into different affections; that when of late hee was to be called to his answere in the Star-Chamber, they were of opinion that rigor was not to be used; that the Secretary hardly gave way to treacherous practises; that his Ill-willers dared not so much as they desired. Besides, in their wisedome they understood that the affaires in Court were not long wheeled bout one Axell-tree; that there are periods of hatred, love, suspition, and clemency, though to us unknowne. That no man knoweth whether to morrow hee may be thought worthy of love or hatred. That the purposes of Princes are close and secret. That they, to redeeme their owne fame, are wont to sacrifice to the multitude the chiefe of their ministers, repeating the Examples of Empson, Dudley, Cardinall Wolsey, Cromwell, etc. Such as men observe a Prince to be towards others, such may they judge hee will be toward themselves when occasion shall be given. His adversaries therefore are to beware that they plunge themselves no deeper in this businesse, nor prosecute it no farther, lest they hurt themselves the more whilest they adde (which is an inhumane part) affliction to afflication, and that they irritate the Queene against so great a man and put her in feare without cause. Otherwise, though men stand abashed at it, God will be the revenger, who without douibt because hee is just will protect those that are unjustly afflicted.
  26. Upon these arguments, I say, and the like, many indifferent men conceived hope of the Earle of Essex his recovering the Queenes favour. And these men also began to deliberate how hee should frame his life in the meane while in this doubtfull time: whether it were better for him to obtaine an Embassie and so depart out of the way into forraine countries untill faire weather might blow over these clouds; or to give himselfe to a private and contemplative life, that his minde might seeme to ascend by the same degrees by which his fortune had descended; or to enter into a mixt course of life, being prepared for both fortunes. So might those sparkes of vertue, which many thought to be quenched, seeme onely to be raked up and covered.
  27. Hee in the meane time made shew of singular humility of minde, protesting both in his words and letters that hee had renounced the vanities of the world, that hee had quenched the heate of his ambition in teares flowing from his heart, and that hee now desired nothing more than that the Queene (to use his owne words) would let her servant depart in peace. These things the Queene heard most gladly, and within a while after removed Barkley his Keeper from him, and commanded that hee should be at his owne liberty, and if hee would, might betake himselfe into the Countrey. But shee admonished him from thenceforth to make himselfe and his owne wisedome his Keeper, and that hee should not come unto the Court or to her.
  28. After this sentence, Cuffe (who had alwaies perswaded the Earle that hee should by no meanes confesse himselfe guilty, but stoutly defend his cause and suffer no breach to be made upon his honour) now so sharpely taxed him as a man of a faint heart, and the rest which had perswaded him to the contrary to be men of slender judgement, that the Earle being displeased with him commanded him to be stricken out of the list of his servants; which notwithstanding, Merick his Steward (who secretly was of the same opinion with Cuffe) did not, fearing lest hee in stomacke should joyne with his adversaries.
  29. The Earle was now at his owne liberty, and ready to goe into the Country, when hee signified these things following to the Queene by the Lord Henry Howard in these words, That he kissed her royall hand and the rod which had corrected him, not ruined him; but hee could never recover his wonted joy till hee beheld her confortable eyes, which had beene his guiding Starres, and by the conduct whereof hee had sailed most happily whilest hee held his course in a just latitude. Now hee was determined to repent him of his offence, and to say witn Nabuchodonozor, My dwelling is with the beasts of the field, to eat grassse as an oxe, and to be wet with the dew of heaven, till it shall please the Queene to restore my understanding unto mee. The Queene rejoyced at these words, saying Would God his deeds would accord with his words. Hee hath long time tried my patience, and I must have some time to make proofe of his humility. My father would not have endured such perversenesse. But I will not looke behind mee, lest with Lot’s wife I be turned into a Piller of salt. All is not gold that glistereth. If this could be brought to passe with the furnace, I should be more favourable to the profession of Alchimy.
  30. Now when Cuffe had accesse againe unto the Earle he sung the same song in his eares more boldly than before: that hee had betrayed his cause by confessing; that thereby he had undergone such losse of his reputation as was greater than could be valued, and was to be redeemed even with his life; that the Lord Henry Howard and the rest had wound themselves into credite with him in small matters that they might deceive him in greater, and had exposed him as a prey to his enemies; that he was quite debarred from all hope of his former liberty, unlesse he would seeke it even in desperation. He should therefore thinke of somewhat worthy himselfe, for the full recovery of his reputation and liberty, by delivering his friends from servitude, and the kingdome from the impotent rule of certaine persons. To these suggestions he stopped his eares, in assured hope of recovering his favour with the Queene and renewing his gainefull Farme of Sweet wines (for so they call all but the French and Rhenish wines), the terme whereof was now almost expired. She put him in hope of her favour both by words and letters. But touching the Farme, she answered him shortly and peremptorily by pawses, That she must first see what valew it was of. That benefits are not to be bestowed blindfold. She suffered others to take the gayne thereof, saying That an unruly horse must be abated of his provender, that he may be the better brought to mannageing. That Aphorisme of the Physicians she commended, Corrupt bodies the more thou feedest them, the more thou hurtest them.
  31. Upon these answers the Earle of Essex being inwardly perplexed in minde boyled with anger and, giving over his judgement to his affections, harkened to Cuffe and other kindle-coles of sedition, suggesting unto him that now at length it appeared plainly that the Queene, the Councell, and his adversaries werre resolved to thrust him into extreme poverty, that he should live upon the almes-basket and gather crummes under the table, and, as a poore man neglected of the Queene, he might be neglected of all men, forsaken of his friends, and held in scorne, being triumphed over by his adversaries. Hereupon was the Earle of Southampton called home out of the Low-Countries; certaine Divines at Oxford are consulted about I wot not what matters, and the Earle returneth to London. Sir Christopher Blunt being much perplexed in minde that he had by his counsaile cast the Earle into these perils (for he had perswaded him, as I said, to returne into England with a small company), when hee heard that the Lord Henry Howard, who laboured to settle him againe in favour with his adversaries, had lost his labour, gave him secret warning (as he himselfe afterward confessed) to force his accesse to the Queene. And he gave him some inkling that certaine Gentlemen would assist him to secure both his accesse and his returne. But the Earle answered that he was held backe by scruple of conscience, and that the Preachers were to be consulted about the matter. Yet afterward he signified to Blunt by Cuffe that he would shortly enter into some course, and acquaint him therewith. Now are his doores set open to all men; Merick his Steward receiveth to his boord all military men, bold fellowes, men of crackt credite, malecontented persons, and such as sawcily used their tongues against all men. Sermons are preached there every day by zealous Ministers, to which the Citizens flocke apace. The Lady Rich the Earles sister (who having violated her husbands bed was in the Queenes heavy displeasure) visiteth him daily. And these things if any man misliked, hee was censured to envy the Earles honour and liberty.
  32. In the last moneth of this yeere passed quietly into his heavenly Country Roger Lord North, Treasurer of the Queenes houshold, the sonne of Edward Lord North. A man of a lively spirit, fit for action and counsailes, of whom I have spoken in the yeeres 1567 and 1574. His successor in his inheritance was Dudley North his Grand-sonne by his sonne and by Dorothey the daughter and heire of Valentine Dale, a most learned Civil Lawyer; and in his office of Treasurer, Sir William Knollis, in whose roome of Comptroller of the Queenes houshold was afterwards substituted Sir Edward Wotton, a man remarkeable for his employment in many and great affaires of the State.

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