1. QUEENE Elizabeth, that shee might binde unto her the French king in the stronger band of amity, who shee had chosen the last yeare into the Order of the Garter, sent Henry Earle of Derby with the robes and ensignes of that Order into France, solemnly to invest him thereof. The King received them with great honour, being invested at evensong (what time the English refused to be present at the Masse), and religiously promised to observe the lawes of the same Order which were not repugnant to the lawes of the Order of the Holy Ghost and Saint Michael, to which hee was sworn before by words coneaved in writing.
  2. At this time was holden a Parliament, and William Parry, by nation a Welshman, borne of obscure parentage and poore estate, by title a Doctor of the Law (though but meanely learned), a man passing proud, neate and spruse, when there was a bill preferred into the Lower house against the Jesuites, was the onely man that stood up to speake for them, declaiming that the sayd law was cruell, bloody, full of desperation, and hurtfull to the English nation. Being willed to shew his reasons, he obstinately refused, unlesse it were before the Queenes Councell; whereupon he was committed, but his reasons being heard, and submission made, he was admitted again into the house. Shortly after the same Parry was accused by Edmund Nevill (who claimed the inheritance of the Nevils Earles of Westmorland, and the title of Lord Latimer, as next heire maile) to have interteyned secret designes for taking away the Queenes life.
  3. This Parry (to fetch the matter a little higher), being returned above two yeares before out of Italy, had to the end to winne favour and credit with the Queene privily revealed what Morgan and other fugitives had treated concerning the taking away of her life by wicked hand, pretending that he had dealt with them to no other intent then to spye out their secret attempts, and so provide for the Queenes safety. Heereupon she did not lightly give credit to Nevil the informer, yet commanded Walsingham to aske Parry whether hee had dealt about his matter with any male-contented and suspected person, to feele him. He flatly denyed it, and being otherwise a man quick-sighted enough, yet sawe he not the evasion which the Queenes lenity had laid open unto him. For if hee had but given anie inkling that hee had dealt with Nevil only to feele him, whom the Queene had already tolde him to be a suspected and male-contented man, he had without doubt avoyded the danger. But a wicked deede once conceived doth many times dull the sharpest witts. But whereas Nevil had no witnesse to maintaine his accusation, Parry was brought to confront him, who after some biting words one against another, relented a litle, and being sent to the Tower of London, confessed voluntarily these things, which I will briefely relate.
  4. In the yeare (saith he) 1570, I was sworne one of the Queenes servants, and continued devoted unto her Majesty untill the yeare 1580, what time I fell in danger of my life with great disgrace. (For hee had broken into Hugh Hare’s chamber, in whose debt hee was, and had hurt him, for which hee was by law condemned, but had his life saved by the Queenes pardon.) From that time I have lived tormented in mind, and having procured a licence, withdrew my selfe into France, not with any minde to returne, for I had vowed my selfe to the Catholike Religion. At Paris I was reconciled to the Church of Rome. At Venice I had conference with Benedict Palmio a Jesuite, concerning the afflicted Catholikes in England, and I gave him some inkling that I had devised a meanes to relieve them, if the Pope or any learned Divines would prove it to be lawfull. Palmio commended this as a godly purpose, and me he commended to the Popes Nuncio at Venice, whose name was Campenis, and Campenis commended me to the Pope. I craved by letters that I might come to Rome by safe conduct. Letters of safe conduct were sent unto mee from the Cardinall of Como, but not very ample, and afterwards others were sent unto me more ample; but then I was returned to Paris. There I lighted upon Morgan, who signified unto me that it was expected by some that I should doe some notable service to God and the Catholike Church. I answered that I was most ready to kill even the greatest subject of England. “But” sayd hee) “why not the Queene her selfe?” “And this” (sayd I) “might easily be done, if it might appeare to be lawfull.” For Wattes a Priest (with whom I had conference hereabouts, concealing the persons) affirmed flatly it was not lawfull. And Chreichton the Scottish Jesuite avouched the same, teaching that it was not to be done that good might come of it, that God was more delighted with adverbs then with nownes, and it more pleased him which was done well and lawfully, then which was good; and that many soules were not to be redeemed with the destruction of one, without the expresse command of God. Notwithstandijng I, which had by letters and promises passed my faithfull word in Italye, thought it a grievous sinne to give over my enterprise, in case the Pope should approve it by his letters, and graunt me a plenary pardon, which I craved of him by letters sent unto him by Ragazonio his Nuncio in France, who commended my enterprise, and sent my letters to Rome. Being returned into England, I procured accesse to the Queene, to whom, after all standers by were removed, I opened the whole conspiracie, howbeit cloaked with the best art I could. Shee heard me without daunting, I departed, not without terror; and I cannot forget what she then sayd that no Catholikes should be called into question for religion or the Popes primacy, so as they shewed themselves good subjects. In the meane time, whilest I sued dayly in the Court for the mastership of Saint Catharines, I received letters from the Cardinall of Como, wherein my enterprise as commended, and my selfe absolved in the Popes name. These letters I imparted to the Queene. What effect they wrought with her I know not; to mee certainely they added courage, and tooke away all scruple. Yet was I not minded to offer her any violence, if shee could by any meanes bee perswaded to deale more favorably with the Catholikes. And I, least I should committ the murther, layed away my dagger as often as I had accesse unto her. When I looked into her and her vertues truly royall, I was distracted with doubtfull care; for my vowes were in heaven, my letters and promises amongst men. These things I revolved to my selfe with an unquiet minde. Of mee shee had never deserved well; my life, indeede, shee had pardoned me, but to have taken away my life in that cause had beene tyrannous. Heereupon I departed from the Court much discontented with my estate. I lighted upon Doctor Allen’s booke against the Justice of Britayne, who taught that Princes excommunicate for heresie were to be deprived of kingdome and life, which booke did vehemently excite me to prosecute my attempt. This booke I read to Nevil (whom I invited to my table) sixe whole monethes before hee accused mee. Afterwards he came unto mee and sayd, Let us adventure somewhat since we can get nothing from the Queene; and hee propounded certaine things concerning the delivery of the Queene of Scots. But I doe revolve (sayd I) a greater matter in my minde, and more commodious for the Catholike Church. The next day hee came and swore uon the Bible that hee would conceale and constantly pursue whatsoever should be behoovefull for the Catholike Religion, and I sware likewise. Wee resolved with ten horsemen to set upon the Queene as shee rode abroad to take the ayre, and kill her. All which Nevil hath concealed even to this time. But having heard newes that the Earle of Westmorland was dead, whose inheritance hee had already swallowed in hope, he presently broke his oath and accused me of these things. All this he confessed before the Lord Hunsdon, Sir Christopher Hatton, and Sir Francis Walsingham, all three of the Privie Councell. He acknowledged also his fault, and begged pardon for the same by his letters to the Queene, to Burghley Lord Treasurer, and to Leicester.
  5. Some few dayes after, he was arraigned at the Kings Bench Barrie in Westminister Hall, where, the articles of his inditement being read, he acknowledged himselfe guilty. And when his confession was recorded and judgement demanded of him, Hatton thought it necessarie for the satisfaction of the multitude that stood round about that his crime might be manifestly layed open out of his owne confession, which Parry himselfe acknowledged to bee voluntary, and prayed the Judges that he might reade it himselfe. But the Clarke of the Crowne read both it, and also the Cardinall of Como’s letters, and Parry’s owne to the Queene, to Burghley, and to Leicester, which he confessed to be the very letters themselves. Yet did he deny that ever he was resolved to kill the Queene. Being commanded to speake now whether he had any thing to say why judgement should not be given against him, hee answered perplexedly, as if he had beene troubled in conscience for the foule fact he had under taken, I see I must dye because I have not been constant to my selfe. Being willed to declare more plainely what hee meant, My blood (said he) be amongst you. Sentence of death being pronounced, hee cited the Queene in a fury to the Tribunall seate of God. The first day after, hee was layed upon an hurdle, and drawne through the midst of the Citty to Westminster. At the gallowes, when he had vantingly boasted how faithfull a keeper of the Queene he had been, he sayd his minde was never fully perswaded to deprive the Queene of life. Thus this Braggart, not so much as in word commending himselfe to God, suffered the death of a traitor by the law, in the court yard of the great Palace at Westminster, where there was then great assembly of the Estates of the Realme at a Parliament.
  6. In this Parliament some there were which out of a desire either of innovation, or reformation, vehemently troubled the Ecclestiacall estates (though the Queene forbad it), by preferring bills for restreyning of the Episcopall jurisdiction in granting of faculties, in conferring of holy orders, in the ecclesiasticall censures, and in the oath of officio; and by propounding a new oath to the Bishops, which they should take in the Chancery and the Kings Bench, to weet, that they should not repugne against the Common law of England; and also by requiring Residence of Pastors, that every Pastor should bee residence at his owne Church, and by declayming as if the Church of England lay destitute of learned Pastors, which now questionlesse had more learned Pastors then any other age, or any other reformed Church. But the Queene, who highly favored moderate Churchmen, misliked innovators as changing alwaies for the worse; and utterly rejected these things, as devised to overthrow her prerogative and the supreame authority granted unto her in ecclesiasticall matters. But the association aforesaid was generally confirmed by the voices of all men. And it was inacted that 24 or more of the Privy councell, or of the Lords of the Parliament, selected by the Queenes Commission, should inquire into those which should invade the Kingdome, raise rebellion, or attempte to hurt or destroy the Queenes person, for whomsoever, or by whomsoever, which might lay claime to the Crowne of England. And that hee, for whom, or by whom they should attempt the same, should be utterly uncapable of the Crowne of England, deprived wholy of all right and title, and prosecuted then to death by all the subjects, if hee should bee judged by those twenty foure men to bee guilty of such invasion, rebellion, or treason, and so publickely proclaimed.
  7. Lawes also were enacted for the preservation of the Queenes person against Jesuites and Papish priests who built wicked plots upon the Bull of Pius Quintus, to weet, That they should depart the realme within forty dayes. That those who should come into the Realme afterwardes should be guilty of high treason, and that those who should wittingly and willingly harbour, relieve, and maintayne them, should be guilty of Felony. So they call all capitall crimes under the degree of Treason. That those which were brought up in Seminaries, if they were should not within 6 moneths after denunciations made, and submitted not themselves to the Queene before the Bishop or two Justices, should be guilty of high Treason. And if any so submitting themselves, should within ten yeeres come unto the Queenes Court, or within ten miles thereof, their submission should be voyd. That those which should by any meanes whatsoever send or conveigh any mony to students in Semanaryes should incurre the penalty of a praemunire, that is, Perpetuall exile and losse of living. That if any of the Peeres of the Realme, that is, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Vicounts, or Barons of Parliament, should offend against these lawes, he should be put to his triall by his Peeres. That if any should know any such Jesuits or other Priests abovesaid to lurke within the Realme, and should not discover them within 12 dayes, should bee fined and imprisoned at the Queenes pleasure. That if any man should be suspected to be a Jesuite or Priest as aforesaid, and not submit himselfe to examination, he should for his contempt be imprisoned till hee did submit himselfe. That hee which should send his children or any others whomsoever to Seminaryes and Colleges of the Popish profession should be fined an hundred poundes of English money. And that those which were sent should not succeede in any inheritance, nor enjoy any livings which should fall unto them by any meanes whatsoever; as also those which should not returne home from the sayd Seminaryes, unless they did conforme themselves to the Church of England. That if the Wardens or officers of the ports should permit any others then sailers and merchants to crosse the seas without licence of the Queene or 6 Counsailors, they should bee put out of their places, and the Masters of shippes which carried them should forfeit their shippes and goods, and suffer imprisonment for a whole yeare.
  8. With the severity of these lawes, which notwithstanding seemed necessarie for the time, the Papists in England were marvellously terrified; and amongst them, Philip Howard Earle of Arundel, the Duke of Norfolke’s eldest sonne, insomuch as hee purposed to fly the land least he should offend against them. This Philip had through the Queenes gracious favour been restored in blood three yeares before, and soone after having lost her favour through the secret accusations of some great ones, had privily vowed himselfe to the Popish Religion, living a most austere life. Heereupon was hee called once or twice before the Counsell, and cleared himselfe of the matters objected against him; neverthelesse hee was commanded to keepe his house. After 6 moneths he had his liberty againe, and came to the Parliament; notwithstanding, hee withdrew himselfe the next day from the Assembly in sermon time. The Parliament being ended, he as being assured to bee gone, wrote a letter to the Queene (which notwithstanding he willed to be delivered after his departure), wherein he made a long and pittifull complaint, of the malice of his potent adversaries, whereunto he must needes give place when they triumphed over his innocency. He reckoned up the fatall endes of his ancestors, namely his great-grandfather who was condemned unheard, his grandfather who was beheaded for light matters, and his father who (as he said) was circumvented by his adversaries, and never bare hostile minde against his Prince or Country. And that hee for his part, least hee should inherite his forefathers infelicity, and that he might attend the service of God, and provide for his soules health, had forsaken his Country, but not his alleageance to his Prince. Before such time as this letter was delivered he was gone into Sussex, and being now ready to imbarke himselfe in an obscure creeke, he was apprehended through the treachery of his own followers and the discovery the Master of the shippe, and cast into the Tower of London.
  9. In the same Tower was kept at that time Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland, a man of a lively spirit and courage (brother to Thomas which was beheaded at Yorke), which Henry was suspected of secret plotting with Throkmorton, the Lord Paget, and the Guises, for invading of England and setting the Queene of Scotts at libery, whom he had alwaies highly favoured. In the moneth of June hee was found dead in his bed, being shott with three bullets neere his left pappe, his Chamber doore beeing barred on the in-side. The Crowners Enquest of the neighbour dwellers, being empannelled and sworne according to custome, and having viewed the body, considered the place, found the dagg [pistol] with gun-powder in the chamber, and examined his man which had bought the dagg, and him which had sold it, gave their verdit that the Earle had killed himselfe. The third day after there was a frequent assembly of the Peeres of the Realme in the Starre-Chamber, where Sir Thomas Bromley Lord Chancellor of England secretly declared that the Earle had entred into traiterous designes against his Prince and Country, which when hee had found were now come to light, he had layed violent hands on himselfe, being terrified with the guilty conscience of his owne offence. But to satisfie the multitute which are alwaies prone to beleeve the worse, he willed the Queenes Procurator or Atturney, and her learned councell in the law, to lay open plainely the causes why the Earle was detained in prison, and the manner of his death. Heereupon Popham the Queenes Atturney generall, beginning at the rebellion in the North sixteen yeers before, shewed out of the publique records That the had beene called to his triall about that rebellion and the conspiracy to deliver the Queene of Scotts; that he had acknowledged his fault, submitted himselfe to the Queenes mercy, and was fined at 5000 markes. Yet the Queene (such was her clemency) had not exacted one farthing thereof; and after the execution of his brother for the same crime had confirmed him in the honour of Earle of Northumberland. That he, notwithstanding all this, had undertaken new designes for delivering the Queene of Scotts, for conquering of England, and extinguishing religion and the Queene. That Mendoza the Spaniard had given notice to Throkmorton; that Charles Paget under the name of Mope had prively conferred with him in Sussex about these matters; that the Lord Paget had signified in a manner the same things to Throkmorton. That the same also did appeare by the prayers of Chreicton a Scottish Jesuite, and that Charles Paget when he was returned had declared these things to William Shelley out of France. Then Egerton the second Atturney (commonly called the Sollicitor), learnedly argued that the Earle was guilty by the circumstances and by his extraordinary carefulnesse to conceale it; to weet, That the Earle, when no man in England could accuse him of these things, saving onely the Lord Paget, with whom Throkmorton was very familiar, within few dayes after Throkmorton was taken, provided a Ship by Shelley’s meanes for Paget, wherein he went over into France. When Throkmorton had begun to confesse some matters, the Earle removed from London to Petworth, and sending for Shelley, signified unto him that he was come in danger of life and living, and prayed him to conceale the matter and dispatch away such as were privy to the Lord Paget’s departure, and the coming of Charles Paget; which was presently done, and hee himselfe sent his man farre out of the way, whom he had employed to Charles Paget. The soliciter added, That hee being in prison had, by corrupting his keepers, often dealt with Shelley, that he might understand what hee had confessed. That after Shelley had signified unto him by a secret woman, which was messenger betwixt them, that he could conceale no longer that their conditions were not alike, that he was to undegoe the racke, so was not the Earle in respect of his place and degree; and had written downe what matters he had confessed, the Earle signed and sorrowed, saying divers times (as Pantin who waited on him in his chamber confessed) that he was now undone by Shelly’s confession.
  10. After all this, the manner of his death was related out of the testimony of the Enquest, the Lieutenant of the Tower, certaine of the warders, and Pantin; and thereupon it was concluded that hee had murthered himselfe with his owne hands, out of feare least his house should be quite overthrowne and attainted. certainely very many good men sorrowed that so great a man dyed so miserable and pittifull a death, as well because men naturally favour Nobility, as that he had gotten singular commendations for his valour. What the suspicious fugitives muttered of one Bailife that was one of Hatton’s men, and was a litle before appoynted to be the Earle’s keeper, I omitt as being a matter altogether unknowne unto me, and I think it not meete to insert any thing upon vaine heere-saies.
  11. Whence these seedes of mischiefe cam, which were sowne in England, Queene Elizabeth was not ignorant, who had perceived that the Guises had now openly made dangerous conspiracy against the Protestants Religion, the French King, and her. Shee on the other side, to the end a confederacy might bee made by the Protestants for defence of their Religion, sent Sir Thomas Bodley to the King of Denmarke, the Elector Palatine, the Dukes of Saxony, Wittenberg, Brunswicke, Luneburg, the Marquesse of Brandenburg, and the Landtgrave of Hesse; and amongst other things commanded him to put the King of Denmarke in minde obiter, that it mainely concerned him to prevent the attemptes of the Guises, considering that they sticke not to challenge the Kingdome of Denmarke for their cousin the Duke of Loraine, as grand-sonne to Christierne the second, King of Denmarke, by his daughter. Neither did the Lorainer himselfe dissemble the same, when not long since hee was a suitor to Queene Elizabeth for marriage.
  12. But into Scotland (least any danger should break into England from thence as it were at the backe doore), she sent Sir Edward Wotton, to signifie unto the King how pleasing unto her was his kindnesse towards her, which he had declared of late by Patrick Grey, and the Justice-Clarke; and moreoever to draw him to a league of mutuall Offence and defence, by laying before him the dangers which now threatned the profession of the Gospell, and to offer unto him as her Sonne as much yearely pension as her father had assigned unto her (for the revenewes of the Crowne were through the negligence of the Regents much abated), and to commend unto him a marriage with the King of Denmkark’s daughter. Also to make earnest intercession in the Queenes name for the Scots that were exiles in England, whom she promised should be presently sent backe if shee found them guilty of the least crime against the King. Wotton found the Kings minde inclinable to such a league (howsoever Arran and some of the French faction laboured to the contrary), and the Estates of Scotland, to the end religion might be preserved, gave their assent under their hands to a treatie of the League, so as the Queene would pass her faithfull word that shee would not prejudice the Kings title to the succession of England as long as he continued firm in holding amity. Yet was this businesse delayed and hindered though the murther of Sir Francis Russell sonne to the Earle of Bedford, which Earle dyed also the next daye after.
  13. For when Sir John Foster and Thomas Carre of Fernihurst, wardens of the middle marches betwixt the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, had appointed a meeting the 27th of June about goods unjustly taken, and security was confirmed on both sides by oath according to custome, and proclamation made that no man should harme other by word, deede, or looke (so the borderers speake), the Scotts came to the place armed in battaile aray, with banner displayed and drumme beaten, contrary to custome and beyond expectation, being in number about three thousand, where the English were not passing three hundred. Scarce were the wardens set down to heare the complaints, when on a sudaine an Englishman being taken playing the theefe, thre arose a tumult, and the Scotts sending forth a volley of shott, slew Russell with others, put the English to flight, and most sharpeley pursuing them the space of foure miles in England, led away some prisoners. Who was the author of this slaughter was uncertaine. The English layd the fault upon Arran who was now Chancellor of Scotland, and upon Fernihurst. The Queene urgeth both by her Letters and Delegates, to have the murderers delivered into her hands, forasmuch as Henry the 7th King of England had in former times delivered into the hands of James the 4th King of Scotts, William Heron and 7 Englishmen for killing of Robert Carre of Ghefford upon a day of meeting, and Morton the late Regent sent Carmichel a Scott into England for killing of George Heron. The King protesting his own innocency, promised to send Fernihurst forthwith into England, yea and the Chancellor also if they might be convict by evident and lawfull proofes, to have premeditately broken the security, or procured the murder. Fenwicke an English man accused Fernihurst of the fact to his face; he avoyded it by denying the same, for that the other could bring forth no Scottish man for a witnesse. For in these tryals on the borders, by a certayne priviledge ratified amongst the Borderers, none but a Scott against a Scott, and an English man against an English man is to be admitted for a witnesse; insomuch as if all the Englishmen which were present had seene the murder committed before their eyes, yet their testimony had beene of no value, unlesse some Scottish man also witnessed the same. Neverthelesse Arran was commanded to keepe his house, and Fernihurst was commited to custody at Dundee, where afterwards he dyed; a warly stout warriour, forward to great attempts, and who for his immoveable fidelty towards the Queene of Scotts and the King her sonne, having been once or twice turned out of all his goods and lands, and thrust out of the sight of his Countrey and children, endured banishment patiently, and after so many crosses concurring, persisted unbroken and alwaies like himselfe.
  14. Whilest the question of the murder was prolonged from day to day, and it was gently debated whether the yearely money offered unto the King under the name of aurei was to be payed according to the English or French reckoning, the Queene who took in indignation Russell’s death and the breach of the Secretary, being perswaded by the Scotts which were Arrans adversaries that he fostered the Jesuites, and laboured tooth and nayle both in France and Scotland that the league might not be contracted with the English, suffered by way of connivence those Scottish fugitives, Anguse, and those which by meanes of their common banishment were reconciled unto him, namely John and Claudius Hamilton, and Marre, Glames, and the rest that were exiles in England, to returne into Scotland, supported with money to suppresse Arran.
  15. The Earle Bothwell, the Lord Humes, Humes of Coldingknoll, and others in Scotland had already promised them ayd afore-hand, but especially Maxwell lately made Earle of Morton, in assured hope to escape thereby the punishment of a rebellion which he had raised in Anandale if Arran were once suppressed. Yea and in the Kings Court also Patrick Grey a most sharpe adversary of Arran’s, Belenden the Justice-Clerk, and Maitland Lord Secretary, were drawne to side against Arran.
  16. The exiles aforesayd entring into Scotland set forth a large Proclamation, wherein they command all men in the Kings Name to lende their helping hand for defence of the truth of the Gospels, for delivering of the King from corrupt counsailors, and maintenance of amitie with the English. Fawkirk is the place where they appoint their Rendevous, where were mustered 8000 men.
  17. Arran (who by the Kings commaundement had kept himselfe at Keneil for suspition of the murder of Russell) hearing hereof, posted to the King and accused Grey as author of this attempt, who wittily excused himselfe before the King. While Arran made all preparations for defence of the Towne, behold the Enemies were at hand ready to scale the walles. He knowing that his onely Head was shot at, and suspecting the trust of his own people (for he was now growne hatefull to very many), wiith-drew himselfe secretly with one man over the Bridge. The rest, soone after abandoning the Towne, retired into the Castle to the King. The fugitives seize upon the Market place and advance their banners against the Castle. The King sent Grey to demand the cause for their comming. They answere, To submit themselves, and most humbly to kisse the Kings hands. He offereth them restitution of all their Goods and Lands, if they would depart. They send backe word that they litle esteeme their goods and lands in respect of the Kings favour, and beseech him that they may bee admitted to his presence. The King consenteth upon these conditions, That they should attempt nothing against his person, or the life of those whom he should name; and innovate nothing in the government. They vow their lives for the Kings safety; and for innovation they protest they never once thought it. But they pray him that their adversaries and the strong holdes of the Kingdome may bee delivered into their hands for their securitie. About this matter an whole day was spent in consultation; yet necessity urging, considering there was a great multitude in the Castle, and no victuals, they were at length admitted to the Kings presence. Forthwith the Earles of Montrosse, Crawford, and Rothsey, Colonel Stuart, Downes, Arrans brother, and others, are delivered into their hands, Arran which was fled into the Hebrides, is called home; they are pardoned as good subjects, and which had deserved well of the King. Hamilton Arbroth is made Captaine of Dun-britton, Coldingknoll of Edinburgh Castle, Anguse of the Castle of Tomtall, Marre of Sterlyn, and Glames is made Captaine of the Kings Guard.
  18. Then when they had by their faithfull obedience cleared the Kings minde of all things that were criminously and suspiciously objected against them by their adversaries, all proscriptions of all men whosoever, and for what causes soever, from the Kings inauguration to that day, were in assembly of the Estates decreed to bee for ever forgotten (except those for the murder of the Kings Father, and also against the Archbishop of Glascow, the Bishop of Rosse, and the Bishop of Dunblane), and with generall consent of all, authority was confirmed to the King to enter into a confederacy with the Queene of Enghland, and to assigne Delegates. Onely Maxwell abused this the kings singular clemency, who having by benefit of this generall pardon escaped punishment for a blood murder and robbery committed against the Johnstons, brake forth into that boldnesse, that in contempt of the authority of the lawes, he commanded the sacrifice of the Masse to be celebrated at Dunfrees; which had not been permitted in Scotland now these 19 yeares. For which he suffered imprisonment afterwards the space of 3 Moneths.
  19. Neither was the neighbour country of Ireland free in this turbulent time from the storme of Rebellion. For when the rest of the provinces of this Isle were in perfect peace, there brake forth a great Rebellion in Connacht the West part of Ireland, through the unquiet dispostion of that Nation, and their hatred against Sir Richard Bingham their Governour, who was (as they complained) over-sharpe in his government. He when he saw the Irish great Lords exercise such grievous tyranny over the silly people, that they would acknowledge no other Prince but them, to the end he might restraine this tyranny and confirme the Queenes authority, left nothing unassayed, though he were now and then odiously accused to the Queene and the Lord Deputy of cruelty. Thomas Roe-Burke of the most noble English family of Burgh was the first that opposed himselfe against him, and being summoned to a juridicall assembly in the County of May, refused to come. The Governour dissembled the matter a whole; afterwards he commanded him and one or two turbulent men more of that family to bee intercepted least they should breake forth into rebellion. Thomas dyed in fight before he could be taken. Meilery and Theobald a Burgh were taken and hanged; and the rebellion had beene now suppressed in the very first breaking out, had not some Englishmen enemies to the Governour given secret warning to the rest of that family to beware of the Governour, and by no meanes come unto him. They being thus encouraged, perswaded the Joyes and Clandewels, who were mighty men in followers and adherents in that tract, that the Governor would deale no better with them, but by litle and litle weaken their power. And they so handled the matter by their friends that the Lord Deputy commanded the Governor to deale no more so roughly with that noble family (though degenerate) without acquainting him.
  20. Meanewhile the Governour being absent in Twomund (where he slew Mahone O-Brean who was up in commotion, taking his Castle), the sonnes of Edmund a Burgh of Castell Barry, and Richard the sonne of Richard (who for his wicked acts was sir-named by the Irish The Diviles Hooke), gathering together a multitude of lewde fellowes, seized upon two Castels in Lough Maske, and fortified them; out of which the Governour soone drove them into the woods and mountaines, and commanded Richard a Burgh brother to Thomas, who had come and humbled himselfe, to be hanged as a man which intended treachery. And when he had pursued the rest which wandered up and downe the woods in such sort that scarce any of them appeared, the Lord Deputy commanded him to prosecute them no longer, but take hostages and receave them into his protection. Within short time after, while the Governour lay at Dublyn, and leavies of men were made all over Ireland for the Low-Country warre, they tooke up the banners of rebellion againe, and many which refused to serve in the Low-Country warres, as namely the Clan-Gibbons, Clandewells, and Joyes, associated themselves together in great number. And now being increased in number and strength, they openly gave their Mac-William, that is, a principall Lord by popular election, out of that house de Burgh, to governe the Country, <or they were going to invite some other man from Spain>; or else they would not admitt a Sherife, or appeare in the assemblyes at the law dayes. Neither would they returne into order though the Archbishop of Touam, Birmingham Baron of Athenry, and Dillon being sent from the Governour, propounded unto them most reasonable conditions; but began at uawares to harry the Country villages in the open champian country with fire and ravenous depredations, and to raze fortes and strong holdes. To the Hebridian Scotts they sent John Itcleave and Walter Kittagh a Burgh to give them a watchword to enter into Connacht with their auxilary forces, whilest there were now but few garison soldiours all over the country, promising them large possessions if they would drive out the English and defend the rebels.
  21. The Lord Deputy hearing heereof, commanded at length the governour to prosecute the rebels, who, gathering his forces together, sent the Earle of Clan-Richard the chiefe man of the house of Burgh, and Birmingham to treate a peace; which when they flatly refused, he put the hostages to death, and without all delay, knowing that nothing was more hurtfull to the English then a lingering warre, nothing more commodious to the Irish. He, and the Earle of Clan-Richard with the horsmen defended the champion Country from the injuries of the rebells, and John Bingham the Governours brother entring into the woods with the footmen, hunted them from place to place so hard, driving away about 5000 head of cattell (whereof the greatest part was shared amongst the souldiours man by man according to the manner of the Country), that after forty dayes or thereabouts, being with most grievous famine in a manner quite pined, they came out of their lurking holes, scarce knowing one another by their faces, and most humbly submitted themselves, delivering hostages. Onely the sons of Edmund a Burgh of Castell Barry (who they had determined to make their Mac-William) continued rebels till their father was taken and put to death, being found guilty by law for that hee had excited his children to rebellion, and his landes confiscate. At which time the Governour had certaine intelligence that 2000 Hebridian Scotts under the leading of Kittagh and Ircleave a Burgh,were even now ready to breake into Connacht. These, with a tumultuary power of men leavied in haste, and his garison soldiours gathered together, hee diligently hunted after night and day, through by-waies and hard passages, with indefatigable labour, while they lurked in wooddy forests neere Lough Earne, and sometymes spent time in marching forward and backward this way and that way, and he at their backes, in front, and on both sides diligently observed them, watching a fit oportunity to fight with them. At the last he colourably retired as if he were too weake for them; they presently marching more confidently towards Ardaner upon the river Moin, proclaimed themselves Lords of the Country. Hee being by his scowts soone advertised of their journey, found them neere Ardaner, where having put themselves in battell aray, they advanced their banners, souinding their bagg-pipes. Hee held them play a while with light skirmishes, till by retyring he drew them from the bogges into firme land, and all his forces with great silence were come together. Then he sharpely charged them, and having slaine many, made them give ground. Shortly after, his small shott charged them in front, and hee himselfe with his horsemen sett upon them in flanckes so couragiously, that hee put their maine battell to rout and drove them to take the river, where they were all slaine and drowned, saving foure score which swam over into Tiraul, and those which went the day before another way to gather booty, and were afterwards almost all slaine by John Bingham and the inhabitants of the Country of Slego. There were slaine about 3000 men, and amongst them there principall leaders Donell Gormy and Alexander Corrogh sonnes of James Mac-Conell, who had long time infested these parts, and those of the house of Burgh, which had excited these to this unhappy expedition. Of the English few were slaine, but many hurt. This was certainely a notable victory, and profitable both for the present and future tymes, the title of Mac-William in Connacht being quite extinct, and the insolencie of the Iland Scotts in Ireland suppressed, which in former times was so great that to harbour them in Ireland was accompted amongst crimes of high treason; and Perot, to restraine their rapines, imposed of late upon the great Lords in Ulster a certaine number of soldiours to be trayned up in feates of warre.
  22. Mean while the Estates in the Netherlands, being distressed with great afflictions, consulted whether they should fly to the French King or the Queene of England for succour; for they were both of them at variance with the Spanyard, but suspected one of another. Neither could the French brooke that the English, nor the English that the French being ancient enemies, should grow more mighty by addition of the Netherlands. Pruney the French Embassadour to the Estates, to turne them from respecting the English, alleaged, That the English were more remote by meanes of the interflowing Ocean, then that they could bee present at every occasion; That their government was not to be endured, and therefore they were in former time cast out of France, and were now in danger in Ireland; That the succession was doubtfull, and whether Mary Queene of Scottes or James her sonne succeeded, both the one and the other, to establish their owne estates, would restore the Netherlands to the Spanyarde. But as for the French, their neeere neighbourhood was commodious, their government milde, and the succession certaine in the King of Navarr, one that was of the same profession with them.
  23. They which favoured the English argued the contrary, That the English were not so farre remote, but that they might commodiously relieve them, and no man say nay. What the government of the French was in times past in the Netherlands, may appeare by histories; and whiat it hath beene of late, let Dixmund, Dunkirke, and Denremund speake, which were treacherously surprised, and Burges, Alost, Newport, and Antwerp, which were furiously and treacherously attempted; and what their fidelity hath beene, which by Edicts hath beene so often obliged and alwayes broken, let their barbarous massacres throughout thir Cities witnesse. That the succession in England was certaine in King James, a man very well affected to the true Religion. Besides, the English were of the same Religion, strict observers of the ancient league with Burgundy. That their traffique had brought infinite wealth into the Netherlands, and their havens were most commodious for the Netherlanders. Neverthelesse the Estates by an honourable Embassie craved ayd of the French King, by whom they were intertained with a kinde of timorous silence, and as well out of jealousie towards the English, as hatred against the Spaniard, long time deluded with delayes; so as at length they returned home, and in hope conceived upon the ancient kindnesse of the Queene of England, resolved to flye unto her protection.
  24. Hereupon a consultation was holden in England also, whether they were to be received into protection. Some were of opinion that they were forthwith to be received and relieved, lest the Spaniard, having subdued them, should from thence endanger England. There were also which thought they were to be holden as Rebels and unworthy of ayd, as if they had shaken off their alleageance to their Prince. Yea, That the Spaniard had broken none of the Articles of his Joyfull Entrance, which was the colour that was layd upon their Rebellion and rejecting of their Prince. But if he had broken them, yet hee was not liable to the penalty of losing his Principality. And though some thinke that obedience is to be denyed him for a time, till hee have amended what he hath done amisse, yet others thinke that by the Law of God, to which the Law of man must give place, Princes are to be obeyed simpy for conscience sake, as Powers ordayned of God. That God hath given them the heighth of commanding, and to the subjects hath left the glory of obeying. That the best Princes are to be wished for, and whatsoever they are, they are to be borne withall. That those Provinces were come to the Spaniard, not by popular election, but by right of inheritance from his Ancestors, and donation of Emperours. Moreover, that the Netherlanders themselves had received the priviledges which they had from Princes, and had lost the same by their treason in taking armes against him heretofore. That they which were now about to crave protection, were not the Estates of the Netherlands, but most of them of the vulgar sort, masked under the shew of the Estates. These held it the best course, If the Queene would intermeddle no more in matters of the Netherlands, but most strongly fortifie her owne kingdome, binde the good unto her daily more straightly by her innated bounty, restraine the bad, gather money, furnish her Navy with all provision, strengthen the borders toward Scotland with Garrisons, and maintaine the ancient military discipline of England, as if it were now corrupted by the Low-Countrey warre. So would England become impregnable, and she on every side most secure at home, and dreadfull to her enemies. That this was the commodious means for those which had over-mighty neighbours to avoyd warre. For no man would willingly provoke them, whom he saw to be provided of money and strength, backed with the love of their subjects, and ready and prepared to take revenge. Great indiscretion therefore it were to spend money and martiall men, the vitall spirits of warre, in a forraine cause for needy Princes or people (and those, subjects to other) which are never to be relieved, or else for need, or ingratitude, would at length provide for their owne estate and neglect their helpers. Whereof the English had heretofore had experience in France to their cost in the cause of the Burgundian, and not long since also in the defence of the Protestants. But the which were of this opinion incurred heavy displeasure amongst maritall men, as inclining to the Spaniards party, degenerate and faint-hearted cowards.
  25. The Estates Delegates, as soone as they had accesse unto the Queene, earnestly besought her that she would receive into her protection and perpetuall vassalage the dominion of the confederate Provinces of the Netherlands, and the people thereof being most unworthily oppressed. The Queene heard them graciously but refused their dominion and protection. Neverthelesse for the raysing of the siedge of Andwerp, which was then most straightly pressed by the Prince of Parma, she covenanted to send them forthwith 4000 men, for which Sluise with the Ordnance and munition should be delivered into her hands for caution. But whilest this was in doing, Andwerp was yeelded up by composition, the river of Scheld being barred up with admirable workes.
  26. After that the Queenes cares and cogitations had beene busied a while about this matter, and she had thoroughly looked into the grievous cruelty of the Spaniards towards her neighbours the Netherlanders and their hatred against England and the Religion which shee embraced (for the Spaniard was certainely perswaded that the Netherlands could not be reduced to his obedience, unlesse England were first vanquished), lest the warre should be drawne home to her owne doores (Scotland yet wavering), and lest the Spaniards power should bee too much extended in Countries almost joyning unto her, and for situation most commodious both for transferring the warre into England, and for traffique of Merchants as well by sea as by the river of Rhein, as also for prohibiting the carrying of all provision for shipping to the enemy, and which were also provided of a very strong Fleet and most stout Mariners, insomuch as if they were joyned with the English Fleete she might easily become Mistresse of the Sea, and so wealthy and strong that they had now long time curbed their insulting enemies without forraine ayd; as also lest they should put themselves under the protection of the French, she resolved that it was both Christian piety to relieve the afflicted Netherlanders, embracers of the same Religion which she professed, and wisedome also to provide for the safety of the people committed unto her, by preventing the pernicious practices of her enemies; and that, not out of any desire for glory, but out of a certaine necessity for preservation of her owne safety. Hereupon she openly undertooke the protection of the Netherlanders, whilst all the Princes of Christendome admired such manly fortitude in a woman, which durst, as it were, denounce warre against a most puissant Monarch, insomuch as the King of Sweden said that Queene Elizabeth had now taken the Diadem from her head, and set it upon the doubtfull chance of warre.
  27. Betwixt her and the Confederate Estates these conditions were agreed upon: The Queene shall send to the Confederate Provinces an auxiliary power of 5000 foot and 1000 horse, under a Governour Generall, a man of honourable note, and shall finde them pay during the warre, which the Estates shall repay when a peace is concluded, namely, in the first yeere of the peace, the expences disbursed in the first yeere of the warre, and the rest in the foure yeeres next following. In the meane time Vlushing, and the Castle of Ramekins in Walcherin, and the Ile of Briell, with the City and two Forts, shall be delivered into the Queenes hands for caution. The Governors of these places shall exercise no authority over the inhabitants, but onely over the Garrison souldiers, who shall pay accise and impostes as well as the inhabitants. The said places, after the money is repayed, shall be rendered backe to the Estates, and not to the Spaniard, or to any other enemy whatsoever. The Governour Generall and two Englishmen whom the Queene shall name, shall bee admitted into the Councell of the Estates. The Estates shall enter into no confederacy without advice of the Queene; nor the Queene without advice of the Estates. Shippes for the common defence shall be rigged and set forth in equall number and common charges, under the command of the Admirall of England. The havens and ports shall be open to both sides, etc., which Articles are to bee sold in print.
  28. In memory hereof, the Zelanders triumphing with joy, stamped money with the armes of Zeland, namely a Lyon rising out of the waves, with this inscription, LUCTOR ET EMERGO, that is, I STRUGGLE AND GET ABOVE WATER; and on the other side with the armes of the Cicies of Zeland, and this, AUTHORE DEO, FAVENTE REGINA, that is, GOD BEING THE AUTHOR, A QUEENE FAVOURER. The Queene set forth a booke wherein shee sheweth that leagues and association have beene in old times contracted betweene the Kings of England and the Princes of the Netherlands, and the Cities apart, for yeelding one another mutuall protection and defence; and layeth open the barbarous cruelty of the Spaniards agains the miserable Netherlanders, and their wicked practices against her, which had so much desired to make peace betwixt them, and had been the cause that the Netherlanders did not quite revolt. Neither had shee any other intent in sending forces to their ayd then that the Netherlanders might peaceably enjoy their ancient freedome, shee and her Subjects security, and both Nations free commerce.
  29. And withall, that she might not looke for warre at home, but give the Spaniard somewhat to doe abroad, she sent to West India Sir Francis Drake, Admirall of the Fleet, and Christopher Carlil, Generall of the land Forces, with a fleet of 21 shippes, wherin were 2300 voluntarily Souldiers and Saylers, who in the Ilse of St. Iago, neere Cape de Verd, surprized at unaware the Towne of St. Iago, which gave name ot the Iland, being seated in a low valley; and with a peale of Ordnance celebrated the day of the Queenes inauguration, to wit, the seventeenth of November. Having sacked the Towne, they found not a whit of gold, but of Meale, Wine, and Oyle great store. The 14th day after, they put from that Coast, and many which kept watch abroad in the open Ayre were taken with a sharpe disease called the Calenture, and dyed, which disease is familiar in that unwholesome Ayre to strangers that come thither and lye abroad in the evening. The first of January they arrived at Hispaniola, and ten miles from the City of Santo Domingo the Souldiers were landed in a safe place discovered unto them by a Spaniard whom they had taken; and, setting themselves in array, they marched towards the City, and having beaten backe 150 Spanish horse which made head against them, and put certaine muskatiers to flight which lay in ambush, they entred pell-mell with them into the City, at the two gates which looke Westward, and withall the Townesmen in great feare ranne all out of the City at the North gate. The English trouped together to the Market place neere the greatest Church; and whereas they were not enow to defend so large a City, they fortified it with ramparts, and afterwards seyzed upon other commodious places; and being now Masters of the City, they stayed there a full moneth. And whereas the Townsmen offered but a small summe of money to redeeme the Towne, they began to fire first the Suburbs, and then the fairest houses within the City, and to pull them downe, untill the Citizens redeemed their houses with 25000 Duckets, which they could hardly make. The booty was not great, save only of Ordnance, Meale, and Sugar. For brasse mony, glasses, and purflan dishes out of East India, are onely in use there. In the Towne-hall were to be seene, amongst other things, the King of Spaine’s Armes, and under them a globe of the world out of which arose an horse with his fore-feet cast forth, with this inscription, NON SUFFICIT ORBIS, that is, THE WORLD SUFFICETH NOT. Which was laughed at, and taken as an argument of the infinite avarice and ambition of the Spaniards, as if nothing would suffice them.
  30. From hence they sayled to the Continent of America, and landed five miles from Cartagena, and while Drake with his pinnaces and boats well manned in vaine assailed the haven of the City, which was fortified with a Castle and chained up, Carlil, having put his men in battell aray, led them in the dead of the night along the shoare. A troupe of horse presented themselves to Carlil, and presently retyred. He pursued them, and came to a narrow necke of land betweene the innermore rode of the haven and the Ocean, fortified with a stone wall, which had but one entrance, scarce broad enough for a Cart to passe, and that was fortified with barricadoes and five great peeces, which were many times discharged in vain, against every front of the Army, while Carlil, knowing well how to avoyd the danger by the help of the darkenesse, and taking the advantage of the ebbing water, led his men somewhat lower over the sand to the very entrance; which the Englishmen manfully brake thorow, notwithstanding that from the said innermore rode of the haven two gallyes plaid upon the flank of them with eleven great peeces and three hundred muskatiers. Then they soone overcame the Palizadoes, which were providently set up at the entrance to every streete, driving away the Spaniards and the Indians, which shot abroade their envenomed arrowes, and so became masters of the Towne, where they stayed sixe weekes, compounding for the redeeming of the towne for 100000 Duckets, which were paid in hand, and shared man by man amongst the saylers and souldiours which had most need. Yet there fell to them but a small booty. For the Citizen,s having warning aforehand from Hispaniola, had before conveyed away all their richest things to places more remote. The Calenture still raging amongst them, and lessening their numbers, their designe for winning of Nombre de Dios was layd aside, and they set sayle homewards by the point of the Ile of Cuba which is dedicate to Saint Antonio, where they set in fresh raine water out of ponds.
  31. Then, coasting along the shoare of Florida, they seyzed upon two Townes, Saint Antonies and Saint Helens, both of them abandoned by the Spanish garrisons, and burnt them. Lastly, sayling along by a wasted coast, they found certaine English men which had seated themselves in Virginia, so named in honour of Queene Elizabeth a Virgin, whom Sir Walter Ralghley, a man in great favour with Queene Elizabeth, had sent thither of late for a Colony in a most commendable desire to discover farre countries, and to advance the glory of England for navigation. To Ralph Lane their captaine, Drake offered all offices of kindnesse, and a ship or two with victuals, and some men, if hee thought good to stay there and prosecute his enterprize; if not, to bring him back into England. But whilest they were lading of victuals into those ships, an extraordinary storme carried them away, and dispersed the whole fleete in such sort that they met not againe till they came into England. Heereupon Lane and those which were carried thither, being in great penury, and out of all hope of victuals out of England, and greatly weakened in their number, with one voyce besought Drake that he would carry them backe againe into their owne countrey, which hee willingly did.
  32. And these men which were brought backe were the first that I know of, which brought into England that Indian plant which they call Tabacca, and Nicotia, and use it against crudityes, being taught it by the Indians. Certainely from that time it beganne to be in great request, and to be sold at an high rate, whilst very many every where, some for wantonnessse, some for health, suck in with insatiable greedinesse the stinking smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, and presently snuffe it out at their nostrils, insomuch as Tabacca shops are kept in Townes every where no less then tap-houses and tavernes. So as the Englishmens bodies (as one said wittily), which are so delighted with this plant, may seeme to be degenerate into the nature of Barbarians, seeing they are delighted, and thinke they may be cured with the same things which the Barbarians use. In this voyage were lost 700 men, and all of them almost of the Calenture. The booty was valued at 60000 pounds of English money. Two hundred and forty great peeces of brasse and Iron were brought from the enemy.
  33. Whilest these things were done in America under the burning Zone, John Davies with two ships set forth at the charges of William Sanderson (one that hath well deserved of the Geographicall studies by setting foorth Globes) and other Londoners, searched for a passage under the frozen Zone, by the upper part of America, to East India. He held his course Northward, and at 500 leagues from the Southerne point of Ireland called Missen-head, had the first sight of the coast of Groenland with high mountaines covered with snow and compassed about as it were with an icy bulwarke the breadth of two leagues from the Land, in such sort as there was no accesse unto it. Following therefore the tract hereof, winding first into the West, and then into the North to the 64th degree of Latitude, having passed the Ice, he fell amongst flourishing greene Ilands, and found people of a meane stature, small eyes, beardlesse, and of a gentler nature then most of the Northerne people. From hence, sayling Northwest-ward, in a sea without Ice, at the 66th degree of Latitude a coast of Land presented it selfe unto him, which opened by little and little into the West, with a straight of equall widenesse. Into which having entred about forty leagues, in the end of August he set saile homeward full of hope. The next yeere after, he entered againe into the same straight the length of 80 leagues, and found that sea beset heere and there with Ilands, and in his returne found it very full of fish. Hereupon was this voyage renewed the third time, with two ships to fish, and another to discover a passage, wherewith hee having passed to the 83rd degree in the same straight, which he observed to be 40 leagues wide, he returned.
  34. In the meane time a proclamation was set foorth to restraine the covetousnesse of certaine private men in England, which converted arable lands and the richest pasture grounds to the sowing of the herb Isatis, commonly called Woad, for the use of Dyers, not without the damage of Clothiers, and husband men which feed on whit meate. Whereupon they were forbidden to sow that herbe within 8 miles of any of the Queenes houses, and within four miles of cities, market-townes, and other townes wheresoever Clothing is used.
  35. And for the more gainfull venting of English clothes, a licence was granted to Ambrose Earle of Warwicke, and his brother the Earle of Leycester, Thomas Starkey, Gerard Gore, and certaine other Marchants of London, for the tearme of 12 yeares, to trade in Mauritania belonging to the Emperour, to recompence the losse they had sustained in Africa, and all others were prohibited to traffique in those coasts. And these Muley Hamet Zeriffe tooke into his protection.
  36. In the beginning of the yeere dyed Edward Clinton, Lord Admirall of the Sea, who was created Earle of Lincolne by Queene Elizabeth in the yeere 1572 and lieth buried at Windsor, being falsely sirnamed Fines in the inscription of his Tombe (which I note, not to taxe, but lest I be taxed my selfe). In this dignity succeeded Henry his sonne. In his Admiralship of the sea, Charles Lord of Effingham, Lord Chamberlaine to the Queene. And to him in the office of Lord Chamberlaine, succeeded the Lord Hunsdon governour of Barwicke, substituted in that place some few yeeres since, after Francis Russell Earle of Bedford, who being the second Earle of Bedford of this stocke and a true follower of religion and vertue, after he had survived three sonnes, Edward, John, and Francis, and there remained but one onely sonne, William Lord Russell of Thornhaugh, and three daughters married to the three Earles of Warwick, Bath, and Cumberland, dyed of a Gangrene, the next day after that his sonne Francis was slaine (as I said) upon the borders of Scotland, and lyeth entombed with this father at Cheineys, in the County of Buckingham. After him succeeded Edward, his grand sonne by his third sonne Francis, being under age.
  37. Amongs these, though one of lesse note, is not to be passed in silence Richard Caldwell, who deceased this yeare, being of Brazen nose Colledge in Oxford, and Doctor of Phisike, who to deserve well of the Common-wealth, set up a lecture of Chirurgery with a reasonable stipend in the Colledge of Physicions at London, founded by Thomas Linacre.
  38. In the latter end of this yeare, the Earle of Leycester, out of a trickling desire of command and glory, beeing easily perswaded by those which sought more their owne security and power in the Court then his honour, crossed the seas into Holland, with the Title of Generall of the Queene of Englands auxiliary forces, and with a certaine kinde of command over the Admirall of England, and the Queenes whole fleete. Hee went with great preparation and goodly shew, accompanied with the Earle of Essex, the Lords Audley and North, Sir William Russell, Sir Thomas Shirley, Sir Arthur Basseet, Sir Walter Waller, Sir Gervase Clifton, and other knights, and a choice band of 500 Gentlemen. At his departure, the Queene amongst other things gave him in commandement that he should not so much as thinke of any thing which should not be most worthy of her, and the place hee bare; and that hee should learne with all the best diligence he could, what garrisons the Estates maintained, and by what meanes; by what Arte they enhaunsed and abated money matters (for heerein they are skilled above all others), that the Souldiours might not receive in one value, and spend in another. Shee warned him to cut off from the Army all victuals and provision, to restraine the Pirats of Dunkirke, and most earnestly and heartily shee admonished to his trust the Noble men of those parts, and especially the Prince of Aurange his children.

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