- История Англии XV-XVII
- Оригинальные тексты источников
- Каталог изданий
- Абитуриентам ИФФ в ПГУ
- Об авторе
- Поиск материалов по сайту
- Карта сайта
- Условия копирования информации с данного сайта
- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1584
BUT out of Ireland in the beginning of the Spring came certaine Scotts home privily according to their appointment with Goury, who had undertaken new projects with some for seizing upon the Kings person againe. These men gave out openly that they aymed at no other thing then the glory of God, the truth of Religion, and assurance of the amity with the English, against those which by cunning practises and devices drew the King to the contrary, being not yet of ripe age. The King, hearing hereof, forthwith commanded Colonell Stuart first and foremost to attach Goury the Archplotter of the conspiracy, who had already withdrawne himselfe to the haven of Dundee under colour as if he would depart the Realme. Goury, being guilty in his owne conscience, contemned the Kings authority, obstinately resisted, and sought to defend the house, but after an howre or two hee was taken and carried to prison.
2. The conspirators in the meane time tooke Sterlyn at unawared by an irruption, and the castell by composition, and soone after forsooke them againe, as well for that the King had drawne forth his forces into the field and was ready in person to advance his banners against them, as that fewer forces were assembled then Gowry had promised, and in vaine they expected ayde out of England. And whilest every man fearefully provideth for himselfe, Marre, Glames, Anguse (which had joined with them) and others fled, and coasted the Country into England, beseeching the Queene to relieve their afflicted estate, and make intercession for them to the King, for that they had lost their estates and the Kings favour for no other cause then that they sought his good and the good of England. Contrariwise the King accused them to the Queene of grievous crimes, and required to have them delivered into his hands according to the league. But there were in the Cour, which perswaded the Queene that they were men most obedient to the King and most carefull of his safety, for that they attempted nothing against him while they had him in their hands. As for the condition for rendering of rebells expressed in the leagues, it was long since grown out of use among Princes. These men also went about to perswade the King of Scotts to deale more favorably with so many and so great men, least they should by despaire be driven into worse matters, alleaging that Terror and Violence are weake and unsuccessefull bands of power; and producing woefull examples out of the Scottish history, and commending his mother and her husband King Francis that when the civill warre began in France, they wincked at the injuries and offences of the great ones.
3. When Walsingham, which highly favoured the fugitives, sent his letters commanding that for their security they should be received into Lindisfarne, or the Holy Isle, Hunsdon, who of all others was the greatest friend to the King of Scotts, opposed himselfe against it and thought that the Isle, being a place strongly fortified, was not to bee set open for the Scotts which might be enemies, nor the Secretary to bee satisfied herein, unlesse the Queene expressly commanded it by her owne letter; for that the jurisdiction of the place did not by right belong to him as Warden of the East March. Heereupon grew an altercation whether the Secretary might not by his own authority, without the Princes speciall warrant, and without acquainting the Governors of places, direct and execute the Princes businesses in all places. What was determined herein I find not; but certaine it is they were not admitted into the Isle. Yet it was thought good to shew them favour, that they might be opposed against the adverse faction in Scotland, for now the Ministers of the word spread abroad rumors in all places that the King was even ready to fall from the Religion, and this upon no other probable argument (though they fained many) then that in his filiall love he inclined wholy to his mother, and receaved those into inwardest friendship whom he knew to be most devoted unto her.
4. Goury in the meane time was tryed by his Peeres at Sterlyn. The chiefe poynts he was charged withall were these: That whereas the King had raised him to high honours, wealth, offices, and had holden him for his kinsman, he had entred into a new conspiracy against the King, whom he had before kept prisoner in his house. That hee had consulted by night with Anguse his servants for the suppressing of Perth and Sterlyn, had by force and armes withstood the Kings authority at Dundee, and had concealed a conspiracy for the destruction of the King and his mother, and lastly had consulted with one Maclen a witch. He protesting his innocency and sincere affection towards the King, acknowledged his favours, sharply vexed the Earle of Arran as his adversary and a bloody minded man, complaining that he was apprehended through his cunning dealing when hee was even ready to depart the land, and fraudulently allured by hope of life and pardon, which was offered him, to confesse the matters objected against him, which in equity ought not now to be layed to his charge, seeing they had been extorted by fraud. He therefore made resistance (sayd he), because hee thought the warrant for his apprehension written with Arrans hand to be of lesse force then the letters of protection which he had under the Kings braod seale. And whereas he had concealed for a short time the conspiracy against the King and his mother, he was not so much to be blamed for that, as commended for that hee had revealed the same. Lastly, protesting that hee hated and detested from his heart all Magicians and witches, hee sayd openly that if there were any such, hee thought them to bee for the most part in Princes Courts. But his Peeres, after they had duly taken their oathes that they had beene no meanes to the Kings Advocate to accuse him, pronounced him guilty of high treason, and in the evening he was beheaded. His head was soone after sewed to his body by his friends, and committed to buriall.
5. What time the Scotts with such adverse fortune undertooke these things against their King for Queene Elizabeth (as they pretended), the same time some Englishmen attempted no lesse, and with no better successe, against their Queene for the Queene of Scotts. Of whom the principall man was Francis Throkmorton, eldest sonne of John Throkmorton a Justice of Cheshire, who not long before, had by Leicesters cunning dealing beene put out of the Commission, and fined for that (if I be not deceived in these Lawyers tearmes) he had in some things supplyed or filled up a Fine or Judiciall concord written out of the the Authenticke Originall which was worne out, and had not exhibited it with all the defects of the same. This Francis had fallen into suspition by meanes of a letter to the Queene of Scotts, which was intercepted. No sooner was he committed to custody, and had begunne to confesse some matters, but Thomas Lord Paget and Charles Arundell a Courtiour, privily fled the land, and withdrew themselves into France, who with others devoted to the Romish Religion, grievously bewailed and complained amongst themselves that the Queene was without their desert alienated from them through the subtill practises of Leicester and Walsingham, that they were unworthily disgraced and ignominiously used, singular kinds of frauds were invented, privie snares layed, that they might, whether they would or no, though improvident be intangled in the snares of high treason, and that there was at home no hope of safety. And certainely to grope mens mindes there were used some subtile devises indeede, counterfeit letters were privilly sent under the names of the Queene of Scots and the fugitives, at least in Papistes houses, spies were sent abroad every where to gather rumors, and lay hold of words, reporters of vaine things were admitted, many called into suspition, and amongst them Henry Earle of Northumberland and his sonne, Philip Earle of Arundell, was commanded to keepe his house, his wife committed to Sir Thomas Shirly’s custody, William Howard the Earles brother, and Henry Howard their uncle, the Duke of Norfolke’s brother, were very often examined about letters from the Queene of Scots and from Charles Paget, and about one Mope then unknowne, and hardly could his prudent innocency protect him. Neither yet are such cunning devises and light credulity to be accounted vaine, when there is feare of the Princes safety. Certainely there brake forth at this time an horrible malicious practise of the Papists against the Queene. For they sete forth bookes, wherein they exhorted the Queenes women to commit the like against the Queene as Judith had done with commendation against Holofernes. The author was not found, but the suspition lighted upon Gregory Martin an Oxford man, very learned in Greeke and Latine. Carter a bookeseller was executed, who had procured them to be Printed.
6. And whereas these Papists here and there traduced the Queene as cruell, she (who was most carefull to leave an honorable and unspotted memory of her selfe) was very highly offended with the Examiners in Papists causes, as inhumanely cruell to them and injurious to her honor, insomuch as they thought it necessary to excuse themselves by a publique writing. Wherein they protested that the Priests were more favourably dealt withall then they deserved. That they were never once questioned for Religion, but onely for dangerous practises against their Prince and Country, upon vehement suspicion, and probable arguments and evidence. That Campian was never racked in such sort but that hee was able presently to walke and subscribe his confessions. But Briant , obstinately refusing to speake or write who it was which wrote those secret matters found upon him,was denyed food till he asked it by writing. But these things did not satisfie the Queene, who commanded the Examiners to forbeare tortures, and the Judges to refrain from putting to death. And not long after 70 Priests, which were some of them condemned and some in danger of law, shee commanded to bee carried out of England; amongst whom these of chiefest note were Gasper Heywood sonne to that famous Epigrammatist, who was the first of all the Jesuites that came into England, James Bolgrave also of the society of Jesus, John Hart the learnedest of all the rest, and Edward Rishton that impious ingratefull man to his Prince, to whom he ought [owed] his life; yet soone after he set forth a booke wherein he vomited up the poyson of his malice against her.
7. The Lord Paget and Arundell being come into France, Sir Edward Stafford the Queenes Embassadour there diligently observed them, yet could by no meanes discovere what they attempted. Hee dealt nevertheless with the French King that they, Morgan, and other English men, which were practising against their Prince and Countrey, might be removed out of France. But he received this answer, That if they attempted any thing in France, the King would punish them according to law. But if they had attempted any thing in England, the King could not take cognizance thereof, nor proceede agains them by law. That all kingdomes were free for fugitives; and that it concerned Kings to maintayne every one of the priviledges of his owne kingdome. Yea, that Queene Elizabeth herselfe had not long since received into her kingdome Montgomery, the Prince of Condey, and others of the French nation; and that Segury the King of Navarr’s Embassadour lay in England in this very tyme, practising to move new trouble against the French King.
8. In the meane time Don Bernardine de Mendoza the Spanyards Embassadour in England secretly crossed the seas into France, in a great rage and fury, as if he had beene thrust out of England with breach of the priviledge of an Embassadour, whereas he himselfe being a man of a violent and turbulent spirit, abusing the sacred priviledge of an Embassage to the committing of treason, was commanded to depart the land, whereas by the ancient severity he was to be prosecuted (as many thought) with fire and sword. For hee had his hand in these leawde practices with Throkmorton and others for bringing in of foreiners into England and deposing the Queene. And being for these matters gently reprehended, he was so farre from clearing himselfe from the things objected against him by a modest answere that hee burdened the Queene and Counsell with recriminations about detayning the Genuans money, ayding the Estates of the Low-Countries, the Duke of Anjou, and Don Antonio, and the depredations of Drake. But yet least the Spaniard should thinke that not Mendoza’s crimes were punished, but the priviledge of this Embassadour violated, William Wadd Clarke of the Councell was sent into Spaine to informe the Spanyard plainely how ill he had performed the office of his Embassye; and withall to signifie (least the Queene by sending him away might seeme to renounce the ancient amity betwixt both kingdomes) that all offices of kindnesse should be shewed, if hee would send any other that were desirous to preserve amity, so as the same kindnesse might in like sort bee shewed to her Embassadour in Spaine. But whereas the Spanyard vouchsafed not to give Waad audience, but referred him to his Counsell, he taking it in disdayne, declared bouldly that it was <a> thing by custome most receaved, even in the heate of warre, that Embassadours be admitted into presence even by enemies; and that the Emperour Charles the 5th the Spanyards father admitted an herald to his presence, who denounced warre against him from the French King; and so hee flatly refused to impart the effect of his Embassye to his Councell. And when Idiaco the Spanyards Secretary could by no cunning get from him what his message was, at length hee understood the whole matter from Mendoza, who lurked in France. Then he, laying aside his publike person, familiarly signifyed to Waad that hee was sorry there was some which cunningly went about to breake off the amity betwixt both Princes, and to foster enmityes. That injury had been offered to the Catholike King himselfe, and not to his Embassadours Despesy heeretofore, and now to Mendoza. Neither was there cause that hee should accuse Mendoza anie farther to the King, who had already smarted sufficiently for his fault (if any were), by his disgracefull dismission out of England, or that he should complaine he was not admitted audience. For the Catholike King had but requited like for like, considering that Mendoza was dismissed by the Queene unheard, and as shee had remitted Mendoza to her councell, so did the King in like manner referre him to Cardinall Granvill. When Waad answered that there was great difference betwixt him, which had never offended the Catholike King, and Mendoza, which had most grievously faulted against the Queene, insolently disdayning a long time to come, and had committed things unworthy of an Embassadour, yet could he not be admitted, but returned home unheard. The greastest part of the crimes which he would have objected against Mendoza, were drawne out of Thokmortons confession.
9. For when Trokmorton was to be apprehended, he had privily sent away a cabbinett of secret matters to Mendoza. The rest of his coffers being searched, there were found to Catalogues, in one of which were written the names of the portes of England that were commodious to land forces; in the other the names of the gentlemen all over England which imbraced the Romish Religion. These two Catalogues as soone as he saw produced, he cryed that they were counterfeite, never seene before, and foisted in for his destruction; and this even when he was racked. But being brought againe to the racke, he refused not to answer his knowledge to the questions demaunded of him. Being asked touching those Catalogues, and to what intent they were written, he framed this historicall narration: That he going some few yeares before to the Spaw, had consulted with Jeney and Sir Francis Inglefielde, how England might be assailed by foreiners, and the forme of government altered; and to that end he wrote out the names of the havens, and of the gentlemen. That Morgan had given him to understand out of France by his letters that the Catholike Prices were now resolved that England should be invaded, and the Queene of Scots set at liberty under the auspicious conduct of the Duke of Guise, to whom nothing was lacking but money and a power of men in England. That to procure these, Charles Paget was sent privily into Sussex under the counterfeit name of Mope, where the Duke of Guise purposed to land. That he had imparted the matter to Mendoza, and shewed him the names of the Havens and of the Gentlemen, who had fully understood them already from the conspirators. And hee denyed not but hee had promised his assistance; and withall had warned Mendoza with what gentlemen he might treate hereof in his publike person, which he being a private man could not doe without danger; and that hee entred into a course with him how certaine principall men, being Catholikes, might as soone as the foreine forces arrived, leavy men in the Queenes name to joyne with the foreiners. These things he voluntarily confessed.
10. Neverthelesse being charged heerewith at the Barre in Guildhall at London, he precisely denyed everything, and affirmed that they were vaine fictions of his owne, that he might not be put againe to the racke; and openly accused the Queene of cruelty and the Examiners of falshood, imagining to escape by the distance of time betweene the crime committed and his tryall, for that in the 13th yeare of Queene Elizabeth certaine crimes were reckoned amongst crimes of high treason for which no man should be called to his triall, unlesse the delinquent were charged within sixe monethes after the crime committed, and the crime were proved by testimony and oath of two men, or by voluntary confession without violence. But this time was long since expired, and therefore (sayd he) he was not to be called in question. But the Judges shewed that the crimes objected against him were not of that kind, but he was indited upon an ancient law of high Treason, made in the reign of Edward the 3rd, which admitted no circumscription of time or proofe; and according to this law was sentence of death pronounced against him. Being afterwards perswaded, he fled to the Queenes mercy, and in writing confessed againe more fully all things in a manner which hee had done before, which (such as his inconstancy) he againe began to deny at the gallowes, but in vaine.
11. William Waad being returned out of Spaine, was sent about this time to the Queene of Scotts, about a treaty to be holden betwixt her and Sir Walter Mildmay, which was propounded two yeares before, and interrupted, as I have sayd already. To whom shee affirmed with many asservations how sincerely she had dealt concerning this treaty and withall vowed her selfe and her whole ability to the Queene, and promised to depend wholly upon her, if so be she would vouchsafe her so great love and honour. Moreover, she religiously promised, as this treaty might procede, to mediate, yea to effect that her Sonne should receive Anguse and the rest of the Scottish noblemen into grace, and also that the Bishops of Rosse and Glascowe, her Agents in France, should enterprise nothing against the Queen, or the Realme of England, and that they should from thenceforth have nothing to doe with the English rebels and fugitives out of their Country.
12. These things Queene Elizabeth was glad to heare, and whereas almost at the same instant Anguse, John Hamilton, and Glames were fled into England, shee, laying hold on the oportunity, sent Beale to the Queene of Scotts, who joyning with the Earle of Shrewbury should give her to understand that if she continued in the same mind which she had imparted to Waad, Mildmay should come shortly unto her, and treat with her about her delivery; and moreover should deale with her that shee would in the meane time mediate with her sonne for the restoration of the Scottish fugitives, and informe her that they had intended nothing against the King, but against certaine violent counsellors which corrupted him with bad counsailes; and lastly should draw from her as neere as he could the attemptes of the Duke of Guise. She like a wise woman answered, That shee much desired the treaty might proceede, and this shee earnestly craved of Queene Elizabeth as of her elder sister, to whom she tendered all honour. That shee had propounded nothing to Waad but what was limited with conditions; and that he would say no other, whom shee thought to be an ingenuous honest man. That for the restoring of the Scotts her helping hand would be very necessary, and therefore they should not faile if she might know for certaine that any good would come thereby to her and her son, and if they would humbly submit themselves to the King and obey him; otherwise the Queene should not ayd them but her sonne, to bring them into order. Besides, she dissembled not, but That when she grew sickly, shee committed her life and her sonne into the protection of the Duke of Guise her dearest kinsman. That shee understood nothing of his attempts; neither if shee did, would shee discover it, unlesse shee had good assurance given her for her delivery; for it were no poynt of wisedome to forsake certaine friends upon uncertaine hope. Shee prayed, That shee might not bee more hardly dealt withall being a free Princesse, then Queene Mary dealt in times past with Queene Elizabeth being then her subject and prisoner, or then the French King dealt of late with the King of Navarre, his subject also then up in armes. She praied also, That the treaty might be brought to an end before any delegate should be appoynted in Scotland touching that matter. And whereas the most Christian King had acknowledged her ordinary Embassadour, and Seton who was sent over from her sonne into France, as Embassadours from Princes of the same authority, and associate together, shee offered the Queene the honour to publish this association of her and her sonne in Scotland, and besought her that shee would not prejudice the same. These things were heard, but soone shifted off and disappointed through terrors layed in the way by their meanes which knew how to foster hatreds between women that were already in displeasure one with another, especially by the discovery of certaine papers which Chreicton, a Scottish man of the society of Jesus, sayling into Scotland and being taken by certain Netherland pirates, had torne in peeces; but the torne peeces being throwne out of the ship, were blowne backe againe by the winde, and cast by chance into the ship, not without a miracle (as Chreicton sayd himselfe). Which being set together by Waad with much labour and singular cunning, discovered new designes of the Pope, the Spanyard, <and> the Guises, for an invasion of England.
13. Hereupon, as also by occasion of rumors of dangers arising from all parts, to prevent the wicked designes and cunning practises of seditious people, and to provide for the Queenes safety, upon which depended both the Realme and Religion, very many of all degrees of men throughout England, by Leicesters meanes, out of their common love, whilest they stood not in feare of her, but were full of feare for her, bound themselves in a certaine association by their mutuall vowes, subscriptions, and seales, to prosecute with their whole might even to death those that should attempt any thing against the Queene.
14. The Queene of Scotts, who easily understood that her distruction was shot at by this Association, being weary of her long misery and fearing harder measure, propounded these things following to the Queene and Councell by Nawe her Secretary. That if her liberty might be granted her, and shee might be assured of Queene Elizabeths sincere minde and love towards her, shee would contract a most straight amity with the Queene, most officiously love and observe her above all Princes of Christendome, forget all displeasures, acknowledge her to bee the true and most just Queene of England, assume unto her selfe no title to the crowne of England during her life, attempt nothing against her directly or indirectly, flatly renounce the title and armed of England, which she had arrogated by commandement of King Francis her husband, and also the Popes Bull for her deposing; yea and enter also into the association aforesaid for the Queenes security, and into a league defensive (saving that ancient league betwixt France and Scotland). Yet so as nothing might be done during the Queenes life, or after her death, which might prejudice her, her sonne, and their heires in the succession, before such time as they were heard in an assembly of the Estates of England. That for assurance heereof shee would her selfe stay a while in England as a hostage; and if shee might depart out of England, she would deliver hostages. Moreover, that shee would alter nothing in Scotland, so as shee and her family might bee allowed the exercise of their Religion. That shee would also bury in oblivion all injuries done into her in Scotland (howbeit upon condition that the matters enacted to her disgrace might be repealed). That shee would commend unto the King such Counsailours as were well affected to the peace with England, and reconcile unto him as neere as she could such of his nobility as were fled, if they would submissively acknowledge their fault, and the Queene would passe her faithfull promise to ayd the King against them if at any time they should start backe from their obedience. That shee would doe nothing about her sonnes marriage without acquainting the Queene, and as shee would doe nothing without the advise of her sonne, so shee required that her sonne might bee joyned in this treaty, to the end it might bee the more strongly confirmed. She doubted not but the King of France would mediate the matter, and passe his word together with the Princes of the house of Lorayne for performance of convenants. Shee prayed that a timely answer might be made heereunto, least any inconveniences should fall out in the meane time. And lastly shee besought that shee might be kept in larger custody, to the end the Queenes love towards her might a litle more plainely appeare.
15. Heereat as being matters of much duty and honour, Queene Elizabeth seemed to take great pleasure and contentment, and shee was then thought to have had a purpose to deliver her, though there lacked not some in England which by laying new feares before her terrified her from it. But the matter being almost fully concluded was most of all interrupted and impeached by the Scotts of the adverse faction, who cryed out that Queene Elizabeths safety was desperate if shee were delivered, that both kingdomes were undone if shee were admitted to fellowship with her sonne in the Kingdome, undone was the true Religion in Brittaine, if the exercise of the Romish Religion were allowed her, though it were but with in the Courtwalles.
16. And not content herewith, some ministers in Scotland inveighed against the Queene with most unworthy calumniations both out of the pulpits and in meetings and companies, and most sharpely defamed the King and his Councell; and being commanded to appeare before them, they refused with disdainfull contempt, as if pulpits were exempted from the authority of Kings, and Churchmen were not subject to the command of the Prince but to the Presbyterye, flat contrary to the lawes made this yeare in an assembly of the Estates, whereby the Kings authority was for ever confirmed over all his subjects as well ecclesiasticall men as lay men, to weet, that the King and his Councell were competent Judges in all causes, and that those which shunned their judgement, should be guilty of high treason. The consistories of the Presbyteries (as also the assemblies of the lay men) as well generall as speciall were prohibited, which had arrogated to themselves infinite authority both to assemble at their pleasure without consulting the King, and to prescribe lawes to the King himselfe, and the realme. The popular equality also of Ministers was taken away, the Bishops restored to their dignity and jurisdiction, whose vocation the Presbyteries had condemned as Antichristian; and also scandalous writings against the King, the kings mother, and his councell; and namely George Buchanans historie, and a Dialogue of the priviledge of the Kingdome among the Scotts, were prohibited and suppressed, as conteyning many things faultworthy, and to be defaced and forgotten.
17. These things some of the Ministers tooke so impatiently that they voluntarily departed the land and filled all places in England with their complaints, as if the true Religion of Christ were now chased out of Scotland. But Queene Elizabeth harkened not unto them, but neglected them as innovators and suffered them not to preach in England, yet used now and then their helpe, least Religion in Scotland should receive any prejudice. Yea and when Arran, who was in highest grace and favour with the King, most officiously offered his service with all observance to preserve amity with the English, shee purposed to make use thereof in fit time, that neither the Scottish fugitives might be prescribed in the Parliament which was at hand, nor the King alienated from the amity of the English. Whereupon a conference was appoynted betweene Arran and Hunsdon governour of Berwicke, in the borders of both Kingdomes. But before this conrference was holden, the fugitives and as many as were present at the expedition of Sterlyn, the Parliament being hastened, were proscribed; and in the conference which ensued presently after, Arran charged them with most grievous crimes, and amongst other things that they had very lately plotted the destruction of the King. But he promised most religiously that he would omit nothing whereby he might give satisfaction to the Queene, and that he would not doe any thing which might prejudice her, as long as hee was in grace and credite with the King. Notwithstanding within a month the Scottish borderers, through the secret wiles of the Spanyard (who laboured all he could to divert Queene Elizabeth from the Low-Country warres) invaded Rhedesdale, pracitsing all manner of hostility; and not long after, the English borderers cruelly revenged the wrong they had received, by fire and sword all over Liddesdale.
18. Now came Embassadour of Scotland Patrick Gray, heire of that family, a neate young gentleman and one which thought himselfe able for the weightiest businesse, if not more. The chiefe points of his Embassage were, About restraining of incursions on both sides; About restituting of goods taken by piracy; And about either sending backe the Scottish fugitives according to the league, or removing them farther from the borders of Scotland, for that they entred daily into new designes with others in Scotland against the King. For the more easie obtaining of these things, and to winne the Queenes minde more fully towards the King, he put her in hope of revealing secret conspiracies against her. To the first and second points he received such answers as he desired. As for sending backe the Scotts, the Queene answered, That shee was certainely perswaded, that these gentlemen had conceived no hurt so much as in thought. That the things which happened of late in Scotland proceeded not from any ill will towards the King, but from mutuall discordes arising alwaies amongst the Nobility in the minority of Kings, which it concerned the King to compound with all speede, and to bind his subjects unto him in one bond of obedience, suppressing all factions. Neverthelesse, to satisfie in some part the Kings just request, and to undertand those secret attempts which he spake of, she commanded that the Scottish fugitives should remove themselves farther from the borders. Whatsoever he revealed, the Queene made shew as if she understood it all before; and many accused Gray, as if having beene corrupted with mony hee had blabbed forth somewhat to the prejudice of the King and his mother, and had hindred the accepting of those most reasonable conditions which were propounded by Nawe from the kings mother.
19. Whereupon she, whose patience had beene many times wronged already, began to grow into great sorrow and indignation, and through desire of her liberty opened both her minde and eares as well to the guilefull counsailes of her adversaries, as to the dangerous advices of her friends. And the rather because as she had perswaded herselfe that the Association was made for her destruction, so now shee had heard that she was through the crafty packing of some to be removed from the custodie of the Earle of Shrewsbury (who being an unpright honest man, favoured not their attempts), and committed to new keepers. Which that it might the more fairely effected, and the trust of the Earle of Shrewsbury, which was most approved, might not seeme to be suspected (for it was not thought good openly to impaire so great a mans reputation, which notwithstanding they had blemished by secret calumniations through the criminations of his outragious wife), suspitions were layed hold on, as if there were a plot already layed to sett her at liberty; and that, by occasion of certayne Emblems sent unto her. Which were these: Argus with his many eyes, all his eyes lull’d asleepe by Mercurius sweetly piping, with this short sentence, ELOQUIUM TOT LUMINA CLAUSIT, that is, SO MANY EYES HAVE FAIRE SPEECH CLOS’D; Mercurius cutting off Argus head which kept Io. A scien [shoot] grafted into a stocke and bound about with bands, yet budding forth fresh, and written about, PER VINCULA CRESCO, that is to say, THROUGH BONDS I GROW; A palme tree pressed downe, but rising up againe, with this sentence, PONDERIBUS INNATA VIRTUS RESISTIT, that is, ’GAINT WEIGHTS DOTH IN-BREDD VERTUE STRIVE. This Anagram also, VERITAS ARMATA, that is, TRUTH ARMED, according to her name MARIA STUARTA, the letters being transposed, which was taken in worse part. There were also letters produced as if they had been intercepted, wherein the captive Queenes friends complained that al hope of delivering her was quite cut off if she were once committed to the Puritans keeping. Under colour hereof was she removed from the Earle of Shrewsbury (who had many time made earnest suite for the same), and comitted to the custody of Sir Amias Powlet and Sir Drew Drury, and that, for the nonce (as some thought) that, being driven into despaire, shee might be the more subject to rash counsailes and subtill fetches. For the Earle of Shrewsbury had kept her full fifteene yeares with such wary providence, that there was no way for cunning wiles to take place either for her or against her. But now both shee importunately sollicited the Bishop of Rome and the Spanyard by Sir Francis Inglefielde to hasten their enterprise with all speed whatsoever should be come of her; and Leicester (who was thought to cast in his head to prevent the lawfull succession) sent privily certaine murderers (as some say), to take way her life. But Drury being a most sincere honest man and detesting from his heart so foule a fact, denyed them all accesse. Neverthelesse there crept forth certaine spies, and letters were secretly sent as well fayned as true, whereby her womanish impotency might be thrust on to her own destructions, as we will shew afterwards.
20. To alienate Queen Elizabeth wholy from her, it was whispered into her eares that Allen for the Catholic Church-men of England, Inglefield for the layety, and the Bishop of Rosse for the Queene of Scotts, had with their common voyces decreed, with the consent of the Bishop of Rome and the Spanyard, that Queene Elizabeth should bee deprived of her Crowne, the King of Scotts disinherited of the Kingdome of England, as both of them detected of heresie, the Queene of Scotts maried to some English Catholike nobleman; that this nobleman should be elected King of England by the English Catholikes, the election confirmed by the Bishop of Rome; that his children by the Queene of Scotts should be proclaimed lawfull successors to the Crowne; and all of this out of the credit of Hart a Priest. But who this Englishman should be, Walsingham inquired with all diligence, yet could never find it. But the suspition lighted upon Henry Howard the Duke of Norfolkes brother, who was a man of most noble blood, a batchellar, passing Popish, and in very great favour amongst the Papists.
21. Whithin the compasse of this year ended his life obscurely in miserable exile Charles Nevill, that traiterouis rebell against his Prince and Country, the last Earle of Westmorland of this house. One of which family, being fruitfull of nobility, there flourished besides sixe Earles of Westmorland, two of the same sirname Earles of Salisbury and Warwicke, an Earle of Kent, and Marquesse Montacute, a Duke of Bedford, a Barron Ferrers of Onsley, Barons Latimore, Barons Abergevenney, one Queene, five Dutchesses, to omit Countesses and Baronesses, an Archbishop of Yorke, and a great number of gentlemen.
22. In England dyed this yeare no man more worthy of memory then Edmund Plowden, who as he was singularly well learned in the common lawes of England, whereof he deserved well by writing; so for integrity of life hee was second to no man of his profession.
23. But in France died Francis Duke of Anjou, of sickenesse which he fell into through anguish of minde. And in Holland deceased William Prince of Orange, being treacherously shott with three bullets out of a dagg [pistol] by Balthazar <Gerard> a Burgundian.
24. For the heavy death of these two Queene Elizabeth tooke great griefe, and sent B. into France to give the King to understand how heavily shee tooke the Duke of Anjou’s death, whom shee had found to be a most faithfull and deere friend unto her; and withall to put him in minde how miserable was the state of the Netherlanders, the Prince of Orange being slaine, and how dreadfull was the overgrowing power of the Spanyard, whenas in Italy all the Princes observed his becke, the Bishop of Rome was most addicted unto him, the Cardinalls were as it were his vassalls, all the worthiest men both of for warre and peace his pensioners; in Germany the house of Austria, an house extending farre and wide, and other houses allied unto the same by marriages, did as it were attend upon his service; his wealth also and strength were in creased in such sort both by sea and land through the late addition of Portugall and East India, that hee was farre more mighty and formidible then ever was his father Charles the fifth; and if hee once reduced the Netherlanders under his power, there was nothing betwixt him and home, but that the rest of the Princes of Christendome must of necessity stoope to his greatnesse, unlesse it were prevented betimes.