- История Англии XV-XVII
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- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1581
THEREUPON was Master Thomas Randolph, chief Poastmaster, sent in the beginning of January into Scotland with instructions that for preservation of Religion and amitie with the English hee should leave no meanes unassayed to procure that no violent course might be holden against Morton, that Lenox might be removed out of Scotland, and that the Noblemen of the English faction might be encouraged. Randolph playeth the diligent intercessor of Morton, alleaging the mans deserts towards the King, Queene Elizabeths honour (least shee, to whome the King and Realme was so much bounden, should suffer the repulse in so just a cause), and the malice of his accusers. The King answered that hee could not, in his Kingly office, but subject the man to his triall, being charged with high treason. But the Queenes approved kindnesse hee acknowledged, and would doe nothing (he said) which might any way give her just offence.
2. Randolph having afterwards audience in the assembly of the Estates, reckoned up Queene Elizabeths benefits towards Scotland and towards the King himselfe, namely, that Shee had delivered the Kingdome from the French with expense of the Englishmens blood; that she had defended religion and the King; that she never had so much as a thought of conveighing him away (as is falsely reported), or of seizing upon any Acre of land in Scotland, whereas notwithstanding there wanted not opportunities to have conquered all Scotland, the King wailing in his cradles, his mother being prisoner in England, and the Nobilitie at variance amongst themselves. But contrariwise shee had beene most carefull to preserve the King in safety with his kingdome, who was most neerely allyed unto her in the straightest bandes of blood, neighbourhood, and religion. Of whose love, as also of the love of all the Regents she was most assured, before such time as Aubigny that Duke of Lenox was come into Scotland. For from that time he had exercised a kinde of command over the King, turned his minde from the amity of the English unto the French (who had not yet to this day acknowledged him for King), removed the Kings faithfullest subjects, brought in others lesse faithfull, dealt with foreiners by his letters (which Randolph produced) for the invasion of England, stirred up hatred in the King against the Ministers of Gods word, as turbulent and railing fellowes, and cared not for ministring of justice betwixt the borderers. Which things Queene Elizabeth could not but take very hardly, when she saw a Prince of so great vertue, and most straightly tyed unto her in friendship, alienated and estranged from her by cunning practises. Yet was there nothing then effected, either for Morton, or against Lenox, most men suspecting that the crimes brought against him were false, and the letters counterfeite.
3. Randolph therefore betooke himselfe to other cunning fetches. Amongst Lenox his adversaries and Mortons friends hee bewaileth the unhappie condition of Scotland, layeth before them the dangers that threaten the King, the Common-wealth, and them; complaineth that the Queene of Englands intercession is ungratefully slighted, and privily warneth them to assaye by Armes what they ccould not effect by other meanes, promising both men and money out of England. And certainely he had drawne to his party Argile, Montrosse, Anguse, Mortons brothers sonne, Marre, Glencarne, Ruthuen, Lindsey, and others. But they shortly after disagreeing among themselves, when they saw that the King wholy inclined to favour Lenox and was not terrified with the English forces upon the borders, but had opposed his also against them, most of them reverencing the Royall Majesty, even in his young years, attempted nothing against Lenox, and thought it enough to pitty Morton. Yet Anguse and Marre continued their secret practises with Randolph for Morton and against Lenox. Whereof when the King was advertised by Wittingham, Anguse was commanded to withdraw himselfe beyond the river Spey, and Marre forthwith to render up Sterlyn Castle into the Kings hands. Randolph doubting the worst, retired secretly to Barwicke, and warned Anguse and Marre, matters being now growne desperate, to shift for themselves, either by procuring the King’s favour, or flying to the protection of the Queene of England. And now were the English forces calld home from the borders; and not long after was Morton found accessary to the murder of the Kings father, and beheaded. For hee confessed (as they reported) that Bothwell and Archibald Douglasse acquainted him with the plott for making away the King, and that hee in so dangerous a time durst not reveale it. And hee could not denie but that after the murder committed, hee held Douglasse who murdered the King amongst his inwardest friends, and that hee had given his faith under his hand to defend Bothwell if any man should accuse him of the murther of the King. Anguse and the others which favored Morton fled presently into England.
4. In the Low-country Provinces, the confederate Estates sent Colonell Norris with the English and other forces against the Count of Reneberg, who proceeding with a full course of victories for the Spaniard, straightly beleaguered Steenwick a towne of Frisland. But Norris manfully and happilie victualled the towne once, and againe the second time, put Reneberg’s men to flight, and raised the siege. But afterwards joyning battaile with Verdugo a Spanyard at Northorne, when the victory was now in his owne handes, the enemies troope being defeated by Sir Roger Williams, the chaunce of warre turned, he himselfe was hurt, and many slaine; and amongst them (to passe over others) Cotton, Fitz-Williams and Bishop, stout captaines. How captaine Thomas an Albanois challenged at this time Generall Norris to a single combat, and Sir Roger Williams his Lieutenant accepted the challenge (for that he being Genereall might not doe it by the law of Armes), I know not whether it be worth the mentioning, considering that after they had bickered together a little while in the view of both Arimes, and neither of them hurt, they dranke a carowse, and so parted friends. Yet this is not to be omitted that the English, which of all the Northerne nations had beene the least drinkers and most commended for their sobriety, learned by these Netherland warres to drowne themselves with immoderate drinking, and by drinking to others healths, to impaire their owne. And ever since, the vice of drunkennesse hath so spread it selfe over the whole nation, that in our dayes came forth the first restraint thereof by severity of lawes.
5. While the Estates and the Spaniard contended in the Netherlands for petty townes, the Spanyard seized into his hands the rich Kingdome of Portugall. For Henry King of Portugall deceassed the last yeere in his old age, and many Competitors layed claime to the Crowne, and amongst them Philip King of Spaine, King Henry’s eldest Sisters sonne, if not in right, yet in might the stronger. And yet not without a shew of right; for of all the Competitors he was nearest of kinne to the the deceassed King, and of the male sexe, and therefore (as he had his thought) to be preferred in the succession of the Crowne, before the females being younger, and of kyndred more remote. Excluding the Savoyard because hee was borne of the younger sister; and also Rainutio Farneze the Prince of Parma’s sonne, who was borne of the eldest daughter of Edward King Henry’s brother; and Catharine Bracantia the other daughter of the same Edward, for that they grounded their title onely upon the benefit of a Representation. Which being no other than a fiction, the Spanyards held that it could not overthrow the truth. But Don Antonio Prior of Crato, the sonne of Lodovic another brother of King Henry, was utterly rejected as illegitimate. Neverthelesse the Spanyard propounded these things once and againe the second time, to be discussed both by Divines and Lawyers. And when they all with one mouth affirmed his title to bee good, hee sent the Duke of Alva, invaded the kingdome, put Don Antonio to flight, who was elected by the people, and in 70 dayes subdued all Portugall. But the title which Catharine de Medices Queene of France layed to Portugall, derived from Alphonsus the third by the Earles of Bononia above 320 yeares before, was in a manner exploded both by the Spanyards and Portugalls as an outworne title drawne from the mother of Evander, and injurious to so many Kings of Portugall ever since, as unjust possessors. Whereat shee being moved with anger, and beholding with an envious eye the increasing power of the Spanyard, so farre and wide already extended, and inriched with the addition of Portugall, East India, and many isles; and mis-doubting her selfe and her posteritie, warned both other Princes and Queene Elizabeth also to curbe his ambition betimes, and restraine his too farre extending power within some reasonable limits. And indeed Queene Elizabeth, being providently carefull for her selfe and her subjects, willingly harkned unto her, foreseeing how dangerous might be the over-swelling power of her neighbour Princes. But for Don Antonio, who was driven out of Portugall into France, and from thence sent over with commendations into England, she bountifully relieved him; which shee thought would bee without offence, considering that shee acknowledged him her kinsman, descended of the blood royall of England, and of the house of Lancaster, and there was never any proviso made in any league betwixt the Spanyards and the English that the Portugalls should not be received into England.
6. And withall the said Queene of Franc, and the King her sonne, for a foundation of great amity with Queene Elizabeth, prosecuted more earnestly then heeretofore the marriage with her sonne the Duke of Anjou. For the procuring whereof there were sent into England in a very honorable Embassage, Francis of Burbon Prince of Delphine, Arthur Cosse Earle of Segondigny, Marshall of France, Lewis Lusignon Saint Gelasi, Seigneur of Lansac, Tangerge Venator Corconge, Bertrand Salignac a Mota-Fenellon, Michael a Chasteu-neuf Signeur Mauvaisier, Bernard Brison a Granela President of the Parliament of Paris (a principall man of learning), Claude Pinarte first Baron of Valoys, Piere Clause Seigneur of Curats and Marchemont, and Jaques Vray Secretary of the Duke of Anjou’s treasurie. These most honorable men were as honorably intertained, and banquetted in a large house suddenly built up at Westminster for this use and royally furnished, and were delighted with tiltings performed with great expense by Philip Earle of Arundell, Frederic Lord Windsore, Sir Philip Sidney, and Sir Fulke Grevil, challengers against all men; to say nothing of other Courtlie sports not proper for an historiographer to relate.
7. The Commissioners appointed to conferre with them about the marriage were William Cecyl Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England, Edward Clinton Earle of Lincolne Lord Admirall of England, Thomas Ratcliffe Earle of Sussex, Francis Russell Earle of Bedford, Robert Dudley Earle of Leicester, Sir Christopher Hattton, and Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary. Betwixt these Commissioners covenants were agreed upon specified the matrimoniall writings in such words as follow:
8. The Duke of Anjou and the Queene of England shall within Sixe weekes after the ratifying of these covenants contract marriage de praesenti in England. The Duke and his, so they bee not native subjects of England, may freely exercise their religion in some place appoynted within his house without impeachment. He shall alter nothing in the Religion now received in England. After the mariage consummated, he shall enjoy the title and honour of a King, but shall leave the disposing of matters full and whole to the Queene. Whereas he hath demanded that presently after the marriage hee may bee crowned King, and enjoy that honour as well while the marriage subsisteth, as when it is dissolved, during his government of the Kingdome in the minority of their children, the Queene promiseth to propound his petition to the Estates of the Realme in the first Parliament, which shee will call within fifteen daies after the ratification and to further it all shee can. Letters patents etc. shall runne in both their names, as in the time of Philip and Mary. The Queene shall assigne a yearly pension to the Duke by authority of Parliament; but how great that shall bee, shall bee left to her pleasure; and shee shall procure the Parliament to assigne unto him a very good summe of money yearely, if he survive the Queene. He shalt make the Queene a dowry to the yearly value of forty thousand crownes of the summe, out of his Dukedome of Berry, and shall presently put her in possession thereof. What shall bee concluded concerning the children in the Parliament of England, shall bee enacted in the Parliament of France, after this manner. The males or females shall succeeded to their mothers inheritance of England. If there be two males, the eldest shall succeeded in the kingdome of France, and the second his mothers inheritance. If there be one male, if he come to both Crownes, hee shall reside in England eight moneths in every two yeares. And if the Duke come not to the title of the Kingdome of France, their children shall succeede in his Appenage. If hee overlive the Queene, hee shall have the tutorship of the children, if the males bee not above eighteene yeares of age, and the females fifteene. If the Duke dyed before, their tutorship shall be left to the authority of the Parliament. The Duke shall preferre no forreiner to any office in England. He shall alter nothing in the law, but shall preserve all Customes. He shall not conveigh the Queene nor her children without the confines of the realme of England, but by her consent and the consent of the Peeres of the Realme. If the Queene die leaving no children, the Duke shall claime no propriety in the Kingdome of England. He hall not transport the Regall Jewells out of the Realme. He shall cause all the places and Kingdomes to bee kept by native English men, and shall not remove from thence any warlike munition. He shall not engage England in any forreine warre. He shall have a care of the peace betwixt England and other kingdomes. The Queene onely shall beare the superiority, without all title which may accrew unto the Duke, as Tenant by the Custome of England. The Duke intendeth not by this mariage to prejuice his title in the succession of the Crowne of France. This present contract shall be read, proclaimed, and recorded in all the Courts of France and England after sixe moneths from the day of marriage, with the authority of the most Christian King conjoyned for the ratification of these articles.
9. There shall bee a treaty apart concerning a confederacy of league betwixt England and France. All these things shall be ratified within two moneths on the French Kings part upon faith and oath for him and his heires, etc. And as soone as may be he shall deliver writings of ratification, by which assurance shall be given that the things heere concluded shall be observed bona fide. A Reservation was added apart by it selfe, signed with the hands of all the Commissioners, in these words, But Queene Elizabeth is not bound to consummate the marriage untill she and the Duke shal clearly satisfie one another in certaine points, and shall thereof notifie the French King in writing within six weekes.
10. Before such time as those six weekes were expired, John Somers Clarke of the Counsell was sent into France about this matter. The King refuseth to heare him, urgeth that the marriage already contracted may be solemnized out of hand, and that now there remaineth nothing else behind. Somers sheweth to the contrary by the writings that there was first a league defensive and offensive to be entred into; the French King denieth it. Walsingham is dispatched to compound these differences, who joyntly with Henry Lord Cobham Embassadour Legier in France, and Somers, was to informe him of these things following, and such like:
11. That although the vulgar sort of men hardly construed the prolonging of the marriage, yet did Queene Elizabeth incline to mariage with no other intent then to satisfie her people, who importunately perswaded her to marry, to the end to establish the succession assuredly in her children. And the Duke of Anjou ,who wooed her for marriage, shee worthily preferred before all others in her love, for his vertue, and the honour of his royall descent; which love shee still professeth to bee very great towards him. Neverthelesse shee holdeth backe her assent in contracting of marriage, till shee may perceave it to be a thing pleasing to her people, least shee might seeme to repent too late. For many impediments occurred in the meane time, namely the civill warre in France, the Duke of Anjou’s afflicted estate, which had without desert lost the King’s favour. In England the mindes of all the best men were averse from such a marriage; so as it hath hereupon beene delayed so long, whereas notwithstanding the Queenes love was still constant towards him. That the French King urged the consummation of the marriage unseasonably, in praesentiarum, when warre was now undertaken by the Duke of Anjou against the Spanyard, which he could not give over without blott to his honour, and losse to both Kingdomes of England and France, and the utter undoing of the Netherlands, the Spanyards power daily increasing too much. Moreover whereas the people of England desired nothing more then that by this marriage the realme might be kept in peacable tranquility, it would bee precipitate from a most joyfull peace into a most dangereous warre, considering that the Queene must needs be ingaged in her husbands warre. Wherefore shee would have no more treating of the marriage till the Duke of Anjou were cleared from the warre he had undertaken, and the League of mutuall Defence and Offence were concluded betwixt England and France. Which certainely Queene Elizabeth desired above all things. The French King promised to enter gladly into a league of Defence, but as for a League Offensive, he flatly refused to heare any more thereof before the marriage were solemnized.
12. Not long after, the Duke of Anjou came himselfe into England (who was designed Governour of the Netherlands by the Estates) after he had by the helpe of Queene Elizabeths money happily raised the siege of Cambray. For she had privily supplyed a great summe of money by Henry Seymore, Pallavicine, and Bext a Frenchman. Hee hoped assuredly that, if he did not in presence consummate the marriage, yet at leastwise he should effect that being supported by Queene Elizabeths favour he should be the more welcome to the Netherlanders, who honoured her as their tutelary Saint. He was received with the greatest curtesie he could hope for, and no arguments there were of honour and love which shee did not shew him to the full. In so much as in the moneth of November, as soone as shee had with great pompe celebrated her coronation day, the force of modest love amongst amorous talke carried her so farre that shee drew off a ring from her finger and put it upon the Duke of Anjou’s, upon certaine conditions betwixt them two. The standers by tooke it that the marriage was now contracted by promise; among whom Aldegond governour of the Citty of Antwerpe, sent letters presently into the Netherlands, signifying as much. And Antwerpe witnessed her publique joy with bonfires and peales of Ordinance. At home the Courtiers minds were diversely affected, some leaped for joy, some were astonished, and some were cast downe with sorrow. Leicester, who had begunne to enter into a secret conspiracie to crosse the marriage, Hatton Vice-Chamberline, and Walsingham, fretted as if the Queene, the Realme, and Religion were now undone. The Queenes women with whom shee was familiar wailed, and by laying terrors befor her did so vexe her minde with anguish, that she spent the night in doubtfull care without sleepe amongst her women which did nothing but weepe. The next day shee sent for the Duke of Anjou, and they two, all standers by being removed, had long talke together. He at length withdrawing himselfe to his Chamber, cast the ring from him, and soone tooke it againe, taxing with one or two quippes the lightnesse of women, and the inconstancy of Ilanders.
13. The Queene cast in her troubled mind the things which shee had heard of Burghley and Sussex; that unlesse she married the Duke of Anjou, the League of offence couldnot be hoped for from the French King; that shee alone was too weake to withstand the greatnesse of the Spaniard, who tendring his daughter in marriage to the King of Scots, would easily draw to the Scottish King’s party all the Papists in England, all the fugitives, all the rebels, all that were weary of the present government, and all men of crack’t credit, of whom there was in all places a great number. That the hope of good men which trusted upon the Queenes issue by this marriage would be frustrate, who now neglecting her, would cast their eyes upon some of the Competitors. Besides, shee her selfe could not but incurre very great displeasure with the French King and the Duke of Anjou, who having spent so long time in so many consultations, sent such honorable Embassies, and disbursed so much money, would take it very hardly to be deluded, howsoever they might by dissembling cover their displeasure for their owne advantage in procuring either present money for the Duke of Anjou towards the Low-Country warres, or a yearly pension for the time to come. And no lesse scruple stucke in her minde, if the Duke of Anjou being neglected, should take a wife out of Spaine (which some whispered in her eares). For then shee presaged that danger would threaten both from France, and from Spaine also.
14. Amongst these most perplexed cogitations of marriage, into which the consideration of the times had out of a certaine necessitie often times cast her, some were of opinion that shee was fully resolved in minde that shee might better provide both for the Common-wealth and her own glory by an ummarried life then by mariage. Foreseeing that if shee married a subject, shee should draw dishonour upon her selfe by disparagement, and give fire to Domesticall grudges and commotions; and if a stranger, shee should subject both her selfe and her people under a forreine yoake, and endanger Religion. Not forgetting how unhappy had beene the marriage of her sister Queene Mary with King Philip a forreiner; and how unluckye that marriage of her great grandfather Edward the fourth, who was the first of all the Kings of England since the Norman conquest which had taken his subject to wife. Her glory also, which being unmarried remained to her selfe whole and unblemished, shee feared would by marriage bee ascribed to her husband. And besides, the perills by conception and child-bearing, objected by the Phisitians and her women out of hidden causes, which many times strucke in her mind, did very much terrifie her from marrying.
15. Her minde also was vexed with a booke which came forth, written against the marriage with a stinking stile (out of feare least Religion should be changed) entituled The gulph wherein England will bee swallowed by the French marriage. In which booke those of the Councell which favoured the marriage are taxed as ungratefull to their Prince and Country; the Queene her selfe is glanced at as unlike her selfe, amongst sundry flattering speeches; the Duke of Anjou is galled with unworthy reproaches, the French nation odiously defamed, and the marriage it selfe in regard of the difference of Religion (as of the daughter of God with the sonne of Anti-Christ) with virulent words condemned, as prophane, dangerous to the Church, and pernitious to the Common-wealth, and this out of the holy Scripture miserably wrested. Neither would the Queene be perswaded that the author of this booke had any other intent then to stirre up the hatred of her subjects against her (who had alwaies no lesse regard of the love of her people, then shee had of ther owne authoritie and, as Princes use to doe, directed her chiefe care to her fame), and to open privily a gap to some prodigious innovation; considering that the writer had not used so much as one word towards securing the Queene and realme and diverting of dangers; and the Estates of the Realme had before already with all earnestnesse besought her to marry, as the most assured remedy against the imminent perills. These things she declared by open Proclamation, wherein condemning the author of the booke as a publisher of sedition, shee highly commended the Duke of Anjous’ good affection towards her and the Protestants religion, sorrowed that so great an injury was offered to so high a Prince, and one that hadwell deserved, who had required nothing to be altered either in Common-wealth or Religion; and withall she commended Simier the Duke of Anjou’s Agent for his wisedome and modesty, who some had loden with calumniations. And she warned the people that the sayd booke was nothing else but a fiction of traitors to raise envie abroad, and sedition at home; and commanded it to be burnt before the magistrates face.
16. From this time shee began to be a little more incensed against the Puritans or Innovators, from whom she easily beleved that these things proceeded. And indeed within a few dayes after, John Stubbs of Lincolnes Inne, a fervent professor of religion (whose sister Thomas Cartwright a ringleader amongst the Puritans had maried), the author of this booke, William Page who dispersed the copies, and Singleton the Printer were apprehended. Against these sentence was given that their right hands should be cutt off according to an act of Philip and Mary, against the Authors and sowers of seditious writings; though some Lawyers murmured that the sentence was erroneous and voyd by reason of a false noting of the time wherein the law was made, and that the Act was temporary, and dyed with Queene Mary. Of whom Dalton, who often spake it openly, was committed to the Tower; and Monson a Judge in the court of common pleas, was with sharpe words so shaken up that he gave over his place, forasmuch as Wray Lord Chiefe Justice of England shewed that there was no mistaking in the noting of the time, and proved by the wordes of the Act, that the Act was made against those which should violate the king by seditious writings, and that the king of England never dyeth; yea, that the Act was renewed anno primo Elizabethae, during the life of her and the heires of her body. Hereby had Stubbs and Page their right handes cutt off with a cleaver driven through the wrist with the force of a beetle [mallet], uppon a scaffold in the market place at Westminster. The Printer was pardoned. I remember (being present thereat) that when Stubbs, having his right hand cutt off, put off his hatt with his left, and sayd with a loud voyce, God save the Queene, the multitude standing about was altogether silent, either out of horror of this new and unwonted punishment, or else out of pitty towards the man being of most honest and unblameable report, or else out of hatred of the marriage, which most men presaged would be the overthrow of Religion.
17. These things were done presently after the Duke of Anjou’s comming into England. Now whilest hee abode heere the Queene to take away the feare which had possessed many mens mindes that Religion would be altered and Popery tollerated, being overcome by importunate suite, permitted that Edmund Campian aforesaid, of the society of Jesus, Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kirby, and Alexander Briant Priests, should bee arraigned; who being indited according to the Act of Treason of the twenty fift of Edward the third, and charged that they had compassed and imagined the destruction of the Queene and Realme, adhered to the Bishop of Rome the Queenes enemie, and had come into England to disturbe the quiet state of that Realm, and to gather forces, were condemned to dye, and whereas they obstinately defended the Popes authority against the Queene, were executed. For Campian after he was condemnded, being asked, first whether Queene Elizabeth were a lawfull and rightfull Queene, refused to answer; then, whether hee would take part with the Queene or the Pope if hee should send forces against the Queene, he openly professed and testified under his hand that hee would stand for the Pope. Afterwards some others also were executed for the same causes, whereas in full ten yeares after the rebellion there had been no more than five Papists put to death. But these things I leave to the writer of the Ecclesiasticall historie. Yet let me by his leave note heere summarily a few things which are conjoyned with matters of the Common-wealth. Such certainely were these times that the Queene (who never thought mens consciences were to bee forced) complained many times that shee was driven of necessity to take these courses unlesse shee would see the destruction of her selfe and her subjects under colour of conscience and the Catholike Religion. Yet for the most part of these silly Priests, shee did not believe them to be guilty of praticising the destruction of their Country. But those superiors were they whom shee held to bee the instruments of this foule crime, forsomuch as they which were sent, committed the full and free disposure of themelves to their superiors. For when which were now and afterwards taken, were asked, Whether by authority of the Bull of Pius Quintus Bishop of Rome, the subjects were absolved from their oath of alleagance towards the Queene, in such sort that they might take armes against their Prince; Whether they thought her to bee lawfull Queene; Whether they would subscribe to Sander’s and Bristow’s opinion of the authority of that Bull; Whether if the Bishop of Rome should move warre agains tthe Queene, they would joyne with her or him, they answered some of them so ambiguously, some so stoutly, and some by prevarication or silence shifted off the questions in such sort that some ingenuous Cathoilikes beganne to suspect they fostered some treachery; and John Bishop, a man devoted to the Bishop of Rome, wrote against them and soundly proved that the Constitution of the Lateran Counell abtruded under that name, uppon which the whole authority of obsolving subjects from their alleageance, and deposing Princes is founded, is no other then a decree of Pope Innocent the third, and was never admitted in England. Yea, that the sayd Councell was no councell at all, nor was any thing at all there decreed by the Fathers.
18. Suspitions also were raised more and more by the great number of Priests creeping dayly more and more into England, who privily felt mens mindes, spread abroad that Princes excommunicate were to be deposed, and whispered in corners that such Princes as professed not the Romish religion had forfeited their title and regall authority, that those men which had entred into holy orders were by a certaine ecclesiasticall freedom exempted from all jurisdiction of Princes and not bound by their lawes, nor ought to reverence their Majesty; and that the Bishop of Rome hath supreme authority and most full power over the whole world, yea even in temporall matters, and that the magistrates of England were no lawfull Magistrates, and therefore not to be accoumpted for Magistrates; yea, that all things whatsoever were done by the Queenes authority from the time that the Bull declaratory of Pius Quintus was published, were by the lawes of God and man altogether voyd and to be esteemed as nothing. And some of them dissembled not that they were returned into England with no other intent then by reconciling in Confession to absolve every one in particular from all oath of alleagiance and obedience to the Queene, like as the said Bull did absolve them at once in generall. And this seemed the easier to be effected for that they promised withall absolution from all mortall sinne; and the safer because it was performed more closely, and under the Seale of Confession.