- История Англии XV-XVII
- Оригинальные тексты источников
- Каталог изданий
- Абитуриентам ИФФ в ПГУ
- Об авторе
- Поиск материалов по сайту
- Карта сайта
- Условия копирования информации с данного сайта
- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1567
BUT before such time as the said Commissioners came from the Queene of Scots, and a moneth or two after the Prince of Scotlands baptizing, the King her husband, in the twenty one yeere of his age, was in the dead time of the night, by bloody and barbarous hand, to the detestation of all men, strangled in his bed, and throwne forth into an Orchard, the house being blowne up with Gun-powder. A rumour was forthwith spred all over Britain laying the fact and fault upon Morton, Murray, and other Confederates; they, insulting over the weake sexe of the Queene, lay it upon her. What George Buchanan hath written hereof both in History, and also in a little booke intituled The Detection, there is no man but knoweth by the bookes themselves imprinted. But forasmuch as hee, being transported with partiall affection, and with Murray’s bounty, wrote in such sort that his said bookes have beene condemned of falsehood by the Estates of the Realme of Scotland, to whose credit more is to be attributed; and hee himselfe sighing and sorrowing, sundry times blamed himselfe (as I have heard) before the King, to whom he was Schole-master, for that he had employed so virulent a pen against that well-deserving Queene, and upon his death-bed wished that hee might live so long, till by recalling the truth, hee might even with his blood wipe away those aspersions which he had by his bad tongue falsly laid upon her; but that (as he said) it would now be in vaine, when he might seeme to dote for age. Give me leave (that the other side might be heard also) briefely to lay open the whole matter without all false colours of love and hatred as farre as I can understand, as well out of other mens writings, which came forth at that time (but in favour of Murray, and hatred to the Queene, were suppressed in England), as also out of the Letters of Ambassadours and most credible persons.
2. In the yeere 1558, at the time of the marriage of Francis the Dolphin and Mary Queene of Scots, James the Queenes base brother commonly called the Prior of Saint Andrewes (for he was Head of the Religious in the Metropoliticall Church of Saint Andrewes), disdaining that Religious name, sued for an higher Title of honour; which when she, by the advice of the Guises her uncles, would not grant him, he returned into Scotland discontented, and under a glorious pretext of reforming Religion and maintaining the liberty of Scotland began to disturbe the quiet of the Land, and so handled the matter that in an assembly of Confederates, Religion was changed without acquainting the Queene, and Frenchmen removed out of Scotland by aid of the English that were called in. When Francis the French King was dead, he poasted into France to his sister, laboured to purge himselfe of all whatsoever was done in Scotland either against her profit or reputation, and religiously promising (calling God to witnesse) all the offices which a sister could expect from a brother. And having also conceived good hope that she, having beene bred up in the delicacies of France from her childhood, would not returne into Scotland, he dealt with the Guises that some man of the Scottish Nobility might be made Regent of Scotland, and pointed as it were to himselfe as the fittest man. But when he was sent backe into Scotland with no outher authority then a Commission, whereby the Queene had given liberty to the Estates of the Realme to assemble and consult about the good of the Common-wealth, hee, being frustrate of his hope and sore chafed in minde, returning thorow England suggested to the English that if they would have Religion in Scotland maintained, tranquillity in England preserved, and the Queenes security assured, they should by any meanes whatsoever stop the Queene of Scots passage into Scotland. Yet she, passing by the English ships in a foggy weather, arrived safely in Scotland, and using her brother with all kindnesse commended him in a manner the chiefe administration of the Common-wealth. Yet did not all this cut off the sprouting twig of his ambition, which daily sprung more and more, both in words and deedes. For he could not containe himselfe, but now and then he would amongst his friends lament that the warlike Nation of the Scots, as well as of the English, were subjected under the command a woman. And out of Knox his doctrine, whom hee held as a Patriarch, he would many times dispute that Kingdomes are due to vertue, not to birth; that women are to be excluded from the succession of Kingdomes; and that their soveraigne command is Monstrous. He dealt also with the Queene by his friends, that She wouild substitute foure men of the Royall family of the Stuarts, who in case shee should dye without issu, should succeede one another in the Kingdome without regard whether they were legitimate, or illegitimate, hoping that he himselfe, being that he was the Kings sonne, should be one of them, though he were unlawfully begotten.
3. But the Queene, when in her wisedome she considered that such a substitution was repugnant to the Lawe of the Land, that it would be prejudiciall to the right heires, in the example most pernicious, and to the substitutes themselves perilous, and to her selfe a barre that shee should not marry againe, gently answered that she would enter into mature consultation with the Estates of the Realme about a matter of that weight. And that she might shewe her selfe gracious and bountifull to her brother, she honoured him with the <title of> Earle of Marre, and afterward of Earle of Murray (for that Title of Marre was contraverted), and preferred him to a rich and honourable marriage, being ignorant in the meane time that he affected the Crowne, giving out that he was the lawfull sonne of King James the fifth. Whereunto the better to make his way, hee suppressed by meanes of his favour with the Queene, the Noble family of the Gordons, being very powerfull in vassals and adherents, of which family he stood in feare, both of him selfe, and the Reformed Religion. Hamilton Duke of Chastel-herault (who was reputed the next heire to the Crowne) hee banished the Court, Aran his sonne he shut up in prison, Bothwell hee confined into England, and whosoever he thought could oppose him, he deposed from their dignities. The Queene also her selfe he held in his power as a Tutor doth his pupill, above all things being most carefull that she should not so much as once thinke of marriage.
4. And no sooner did he understand that the Emperour on the one side wooed her for his brother, and on the other side the King of Spaine for his sonne, but he quite disswaded her from these both, alleging that the liberty of Scotland neither could nor would brooke a forraine Prince, and that whensoever the Scepter hath been devolved upon women, they have taken no other husbands then of the Scottish nation. But when hee sawe that it was generally desired by the voyces and wishes of all the Scots that she should marry, and had some inkling that by the providence of the Countesse of Lenox it was effected that she inclined to a marriage with the Lord Darly, he also commended him unto her for an husband, hoping that he being a young man of a very milde disposition would be at his will and direction. Notwithstanding, when he perceived that the Queene intirely loved the Lord Darly, and that his owne favour with her began to abate, he repented him of his purpose, and warned Queene Elizabeth that she should by all meanes possible crosse the marriage.
5. The marriage being now consummated, and the Lord Darly declared King, when the Queene revoked the donations made in her minority to him and others, contrary to Lawe, hee tooke Armes with others against the King and Queene, pretending the cause to be for that the new King did impugne the Protestants Religion, and had contracted the marriage without the assent of the Queene of England. But without once trying the chance of a battell, he fled (as I said) into England; and there being frustrate of all hope of ayd, he practised by Letters with Morton, a man of a deepe and subtill reach, who was his inward friend, and as it were his right hand, that seeing the marriage could not be undone, yet at the least-wise the love betwixt them being man and wife, might by cunning dealing be dissolved. And certainely a fit occasion presented it selfe, when, domesticall jarres arising betwixt them, she, to restraine the young Kings swelling minde and keepe the prerogatives of Majesty wholy to her selfe, had begun to set her husbands name after her owne in the publicke Acts, and in stamping of money to leave it out quite.
6. Morton, being a man skilled in kindling of displeasures, insinuateth himselfe into the young Kings minde by smooth flatteries, and perswadeth him to put on the Crowne of Scotland, even against the Queenes will, and to free himselfe from the command of a woman, seeing it was for women to obey and for men to rule. By this counsell he hoped not onely to alienate the Queene, but also the Nobility and Commons quite from the King. And to alienate the Queene, first, he incenseth the King by sundry slanders to the murder of David Rizo a Piemontois [Piedmontese], lest he being a subtill fellow, might prevent their purposes. (This Rizo being by profession a Musician, had come the yeere before into Scotland with Moretto the Ambassadour, and for his skill and dexterity was intertained by the Queene into her family and favour, and imployed in writing French Letters, and of her inwardest counsels in the absence of her Secretary). Then, the more to alienate her, he perswadeth the King to be present himselfe at the murder, with Reuven and the rest of the murderers; who together with him breaking into the Queenes privy Chamber at supper time, while she sate at boord with the Countesse of Argile, set upon the man with swords drawne as he was feeding at the cupboord on meate taken from the Queenes table (as the wayters of the Privy Chamber use to doe), and all this before the Queene being great with childe and trembling for feare, they setting a pistoll against his brest, insomuch as she escaped hardly of miscarrying of her childe she went with; then they haled him forth into a little chamber or Lobby hard-by, and most cruelly murdered him, shutting the Queene into her Privy Chamber, while Morton in the meane time beset all passages of accesse.
7. This murder was committed the day before Murray was to appeare, according to his summons, to answer his Rebellion in an assembly of the Estates; who the next day appeared, when no man looked for him, and when in so troublesome a time no man appeared against him, so as the murder of David might seeme to have been hastened of purpose of Murray’s safety and security. Neverthelesse the Queene, at her husband’s request, kindely welcomed him, and rested wholy in his brotherly love. But the King comming to understand the foulenesse of the fact, and seeing the Queene was very angry, repented him of his rashnesse, humbly fled with tears and lamentations to her clemency, and craving pardon for his fault, that through the perswasion of Murray and Morton he had undertaken the fact. And from that time forward hee bare such hatred to Murray (for Morton, Reuven, and the others were fled into England for the murder of David, with Murray’s Letters of commendation to the Earle of Bedford), that he cast in his minde to make him away. But whereas out of his youthly heate hee could neither conceale his thoughts, nor durst execute them (such was his observance towards the Queene his wife), he told her that it would be for the good of the Common-wealth, and the security of the Royall family, if Murray were made away. She, detesting the matter, terrified him even with threats from such purposes, putting him in hope of reconciling them. Yet he grudging at the power which the Bastard had with the Queene his sister, through impatience plotted the same designe with others. Which when it came to Murrays eares, he, to prevent the same, under colour of duty opposeth more secret plots against the young Kings life, using Mortons counsell, though absent.
8. These two above all things throught it best utterly to alienate the Queenes minde against the King, their love being not yet renewed, and to draw Bothwell into their society, who was lately reconciled to Murray, and was in great grace with the Queene, putting him in hope of divorce from his wife and marriage with the Queene, as soone as she was widowe. To the performance hereof, and to defend him against all men, they bound themselves under their hands and seales, being perswaded that if the matter succeeded, they could with one labour make away the King, shake the Queenes reputation amongst the Nobility and Commons, tread down Bothwell, and drawe unto themselves the whole managing of the State.
9. Bothwell being a wicked-minded man, blinded with ambition, and thereby desperately hardy to attempt, soone layed hold on the hope propounded, and lewdly committed the murder, when Murray scarce fifteen houres before had withdrawne himselfe farther off to his owne house, least he should be touched with any suspicion, and that he might from thence, if need were, relieve the Conspirators, and the whole suspicion might light upon the Queene. No sooner was he returned to the Court, but he and the Conspirators commended Bothwell to the Queene for an husband, as most worthy of her love for the honour of his house, for his notable service against the English, and his singular fidelity. They suggested unto her that she being a lone and solitary woman, could not suppresse the tumults that were raised, prevent cunning practices, and sustaine the burden of the Kingdome. She should therefore doe well to make him partaker of her bed, perill, and counsell, who both could, would, and durst oppose himselfe. And to that passe they drove her, that she being a fearefull woman, frightened with two such tragicall murders, and mindefull of the fidelity and constance of Bothwell towards her selfe and her mother, and which had no wheither to flye but to the trust of her brother, gave her assent, howbeit upon these considerations, that first and foremost, the safety of her young sonne should be assured; and then, that Bothwell should be lawfully acquited, as well of the murder of the King, as from the band of former marriage.
10. What George Earle of Huntley and the Earle of Argile, amonst the chiefest, publickely protested presently after, touching this matter, I thought good here to set downe, out of a writing under their owne hands to Queene Elizabeth, which I myself have seen: Forasmuch as Murray and others, to cloke their rebellion against the Queene, whose authority they arrogate to themselves, doe openely calumniate her as guilty of the murder of her husband, we doe publickely protest and witnesse <these> things following. In the moneth of December 1556, when the Queene lay at Cragmillar, Murray and LIdington acknowledged before us, that Morton, Lindsey, and Reuven slew David Rizo, to no other intent than to save Murray, who was at that very time to be proscribed. Therefore, that they might not seeme unthankefull, they much desired that Morton and the rest that lived in exile for the murder of David might be brought home againe. But this (said they) could not be, unlesse the Queene might be divorced from her husband; which they promised to effect, so as we will give our assent. Afterwards Murray promised to me, Huntley, that my ancient inheritance should be restored unto me, and that I should be in eternall favour with the exiles, if I should favour the divorce. Then went we to Bothwell, that he might also consent. Lastly we came unto the Queene, and Lidington in the name of us all, earnestly intreated her, that Morton, Lindsey, and Reuven might have their banishment remitted. The Kings errors and offences against the Queene and Realme hee aggravated with much sharpenesse of words, and shewed that it mainly imported the Queene and State that there should forthwith be a divorce, forasmuch as the King and Queene could not live together in Scotland with security. She answered that she had rather withdraw her selfe for a time into France, untill her husband did acknowledge the errors of his youth; for she would not that any thing should be done which might bee prejudiciall to her sonne, or dishonorable to her selfe. Hereto Lidington replied, “Wee which are of your counsell will looke to that.” “But I command you (said she) that ye doe nothing which may blemish mine honour, or burden my conscience. Let the matter remaine as it is, till God remedy it from above. That which ye thinke will be for my good, may chance turne to my hurt.” To whom Lidington said, “I cove [Commit] the matter to us, and you shall see, nothing shall be done but what is good, and approveable by authority of Parliament.” Hereupon, seeing the King was murdered by wicked hand within few dayes after, we out of the inward testimony of our conscience doe hold it for most certaine that Murray and Lidington were the authours, contrivers, and perswaders of this Regicide, whosoever were the actors. Thus farre they.
11. Now the Confederates whole care and labour was that Bothwell might be acquited of the murder of the King. A Parliament therefore is forthwith summoned for no other cause, and Proclamations come forth that such as were suspected of the murder should be apprehended. And whereas Lenox the murdered Kings father accused Bothwell to be the murderer of the King, and instantly urged that he might be brought to his tryall before the Assembly of the Estates began, this also was granted, and Lenox was commanded to appeare within twenty dayes to prosecute the matter against him. Upon which day, whereas he understood nothing from the Queene of England, and in the City which was full of his enemies, he could not be without perill of his life, Bothwell was arraigned, and acquited by Sentence of the Judges, Morton sustaining his cause.
12. This businesse being dispatched, the Conspiratours so wrought the matter, that very many of the Nobility assented to the marriage, setting their hands to a writing containing the same, lest he, being excluded from his promised marriage, should accuse them as contrivers of the whole fact. By meanes of this marriage with Bothwell (who was created Duke of Orkney, or the Orcades), the suspicion grew strong amongst all men that the Queene was privy to the murder of the King; which suspicion the Conspiratours increased by sending Letters all about, and in secret meetings at Dunkeld they presently conspired the deposing of the Queene and the destruction of Bothwell. Yet Murray, that he might seeme to be cleare from the whole conspiracy, craved leave of the Queene to goe into France, and to take away all distrust, commended his whole estate in Scotland to the Queene and Bothwels trust. Scarce was he crossed over out of England, when behold, those which had acquited Bothwell from the guilt of murde, and gave him their consent under their hands to the marriage, tooke Armes against him, as if they would apprehend him; whereas indeed they gave him secret warning to provide for himselfe by flight; and this for no other purpose, but that they might alleage his flight as an argument to accuse the Queene of the murder of the King. But having intercepted her, they used her in most disgracefull and worthy manner, and cloathing her in a vile weede, thrust her in prison at Loch-Levin, under the custody of Murrays mother, who having been James the fifth his Concubine, most malepartly [rudely] pursued the calamity of the imprisoned Queene, boasting that she was the lawfull wife of James the fifth, and that her sonne Murray was his lawfull issue.
13. As soone as Queene Elizabeth was certainely advertised hereof, she, detesting from her heart such unbridled insolency of subjects against their Queene her sister and neighbour (whom she now and then called Perfidious, Rebels, Unthankefull, and Cruel), sent Sir Nicholas Throckmorton into Scotland to expostulate with the Confederates concerning this insolency against the Queene, and to enter into some course how she might be restored to her former liberty and authority, how the murderers of the King might be punished, and the young Prince might be sent into England that his safety might be the better assured, and not into France. From this time whatsoever I say touching this matter, while he remained in Scotland, take it upon Throckmortons owne credit in his Letters, which without all question was most sound and most approved.
14. Throckmorton found in Scotland many most mortall enemies to the Queene, who flatly denyed both to him, and also to Villeroy and Croc, the French Ambassadours, all accesse unto her. Yet what should be done with her, the Conspiratours could not agree among themselves. Lidington and some fewe others thought best she should be restored to her authority upon these conditions, That order should be taken for assuring the Prince his safety; That the murderers of the King should be punished according to Law; That Bothwell should be divorced from her, and Religion established. Others thought best she should be confined by perpetuall exile into France or England, so as the French King, or the Queene of England would undertake that she should transferre all her Regall authority to her sonne and certaine of the Nobility, abjuring the Realme. Others, that she should be arraigned, condemned, and shut up in perpetuall imprisonment, and her sonne crowned King. And lastly others, that she should at once be deprived both of Regall authority and of life, and put to death. And this Knox, and some Ministers of the Word, thundered out of the Pulpits.
15. Throckmorton to the contrary alleaged many things out of the authority of the holy Scriptures concerning obedience to be yeelded to the higher powers which beare the sword, and sharpely disputed That the Queene was subject to the judgement of none, but the heavenly Judge; That she could not be compelled to appeare before the judgment seate of any man upon earth; That there was no authority of a Magistrate in Scotland which was not substituted by the Queenes authority, and by her revocable. Against this they opposed a peculiar priviledge of the Kingdome amongst the Scots, and that in causes extraordinary, extraordinary Decrees must be made, fetching their reasons from Buchanan, who at that time, by Murray’s perswasion wrote that damned Dialogue De Iura Regni Apud Scotos, wherein is maintained that the people have right to create and depose Kings, contrary to the credit of the Scotish History. Yet ceased not Throckmorton to importune them for the restoring of the Queene and his owne accesse unto her, though answer was made to him now and then by Lidington that no accesse could be granted unto him, seeing it was denyed to the French; that they must not displease the French King to please the Queene of England, whom they had found not long since to have sought to serve onely her owne turne, when for her owne advantage she removed the French out of Scotland, and very lately, when she shewed but small favour, and with a sparing hand, to the Scots that lived in exile for the death of David Rizo. Moreover, that he should beware for this his importunity the Scots should betake themselves to the amity of the French, and neglect the English. And by the French proverb, il perd le jeu, qui laisse la partie, that is, He loseth game, which leaveth the side, he gave him secret warning that the English should not forsake the Scots their friends.
16. Then in a long writing which they delivered to Throckmorton without any mans subscription, they protested that they had not shut up the Queene in private to any other purpose then to separate her from Bothwell (whom she desperately loved to their undoing), untill her immoderate love towards him, and her womanish anger against them were asswaged. And with this answer they willed him to rest satisfied till the rest of the Lords were assembled. Neverthelesse they shut up the Queene in straighter and straighter custody, though she with many teares and prayers besought them that she might be more favourably used, if not as a Queene, yet as a Kings daughter, and their Prince his mother, whom shee many times besought them, but all in vaine, that she might once see. But (not to prosecute their injuries against her particularly) at length they assayed by faire words to perswade her that she would voluntarily resigne the Kingdome, excusing her selfe either by sicknesse, or the troubles of swaying the Scepter, or (as others more subtilly advised her) that having resigned, and being kept more carelessely, she might the more easily make her escape. When all this succeeded not, they threatned to bring her to a publicke triall, and find her guilty of an incontinent life, of murdering the King, and tyranny in this respect, that she had violated the Lawes and privileges of the Country, namely those which Randan and D’Oisely had confirmed in the French Kings and her name. At length by putting her in feare of death, they compelled her unheard to set her hand to three writings, by the first whereof she resigned the Kingdome to her sonne, who was scarce thirteene moneths old; by another, she constituted Murray to be Vice-roy or Regent in the minority of her sonne; and by the third, she named, in case Murray should refuse the charge, these Gouvernours over her sonne, James Duke of Chastel-herault, Matthew Earle of Lenox, Gilespike Earle of Argile, John Earle of Athole, James Earle of Morton, Alexander Earle of Glencarne, and John Earle of Marre. And forthwith she signified to the Queene of England by Throckmorton that she had resigned by constraint, and had against her will subscribed to the instrument of her resignation by the advice of Throckmorton, who had perswaded her that her resignation extorted in prison, which is a just feare, was utterly voyd. But of these things more in the next yeere, out of the accusations and defences of both parties before Commissary Delegates at Yorke.
17. The fift day after her resignation, James the Queenes young sonne was anointed and crowned King, John Knox preaching thereat; a protestation being interposed by the Hamiltons that it should not prejudice the Duke of Chastel-heralult in his Title of succession against the house of Lenox. But Queene Elizabeth forbad Throckmorton to be present at the Coronation, lest she might be thought by her Ambassadours presence to approve so unjust a deposing of the Queene.
18. The twentieth day after the resignation, Murray himselfe returned into Scotland out of France, and the third day after came with some of the Conspiratours to the Queene, objected against her very many crimes, and as religious Confessour used many perswasions unto her that she would turne to God by true repentance and call upon him for mercy. She bewayled the sinnes of her life past, of the things objected some she acknowledged, some she extenuated, some she excused by humane frailty, and the most part she flatly denyed. She besought him to take upon him the gouvernment for her young sonne, and againe and againe intreated him to spare her reputation and her life. He denyed to be in his power to grant this later, but a thing to be sued for at the hands of the Estates of the Realme. Yet if she would have her life and honour saved, he prescribed her these things to be observed: That she should not disturbe the quiet of the King and Realme; That she should not withdraw her selfe out of prison; That she should not excite the Queene of England or the French King to infest Scotland with externe or interne warre; and that she should love Bothwell no more, nor thinke of taking revenge on Bothwels adversaries.
19. And now being declared Vice-roy or Regent, he bindeth himelfe by writing under his hand to doe nothing which may concerne war or peace, the Kings person or marriage, or the Queenes liberty, without the assent of the Conspiratours. By Lidington he warneth Throckmorton that he make no more intercession for the Queen. For he and the rest had rather suffer all extremities, then once endure that she should be at liberty and retaine Bothwell, cast her sonne into dangers, and her Country in troubles, and proscribe them. We know (saith he) what you Englishmen can doe by warre; our borders ye may waste, and we yours; and we know certainely that the French, according to the ancient league betwixt us, will never forsake us. Neverthelesse, to Lignerole the French Ambassadour he denyed accesse to the Queene till Bothwell were apprehended, and day by day intreated the afflicted Queene more sharply then she deserved at his hands, contrary to that he had promised to the French King. Thus farre out of Throckmortons Letters.
20. Shortly after Murray put to death John Hepborne, Paris a Frenchman, Daglish, and other servants of Bothwels, which were present at the murder of the King. But they (which he full little expected) protested at the gallowes before God and his Angels that they understood from Bothwell that Murray and Morton were the authours of the Kings death. The Queene they cleered from all suspition; as Bothwell also himselfe being a prisoner in Denmarke many times witnessed both living and dying, with a religious asservation that the Queene was not privy thereunto. And foureteene yeeres after, when Morton was to suffer death, he confessed that Bothwell had dealt with him to consent to the killing of the King; which when he utterly refused, unlesse the Queene commanded him under her hand, Bothwell answered that this could not be, but the fact was to be committed even without her privity.
21. This rash deposing of the Queene, and insolency of the Conspiratours towards the Ambassadours, Queene Elizabeth and the French King tooke in very ill part, as dishonourable to Regall Majesty, and began to favour the Hamiltons which stood for the Queen. Pasquier also, Ambassadour from the French King, sollicited the Queene of England that she might be restored by force and Armes. But she thought it better that commerce should be prohibited to the Scots, both in France and England, till she were set at liberty, that by this meanes the people might be devided from the Lords, who seemed to have joyntly conspired against the Queene. But let us for a while pass over these Scottish matters.
22. When now the eight yeeres were expired, and Calice [Calais] was according to the Treaty at the Castell of Cambray or Cambresis to be restored to the English, Sir Thomas Smith was sent into France with Sir William Winter, Master of the munition for the Navy; who with the sound of Trumpet before the gate of Calice next to Sea-ward, with a loud voyce in French,demanded Calice with the territory, and certain warlike muntion according to the Treaty. And hereof presently an act was made by a Notary, and certaine German marchants and Low-country men which were there by chance, called to witnesse. Shortly after, he came unto the King at Fossat Castell, where, with Sir Henry Noris the Ordinary Ambassadour, he demanded it againe. The King referred the matter to his Councell, of whom Hospitall, Chancellour, in a grave and set speech argued in this manner: By the same right that the English demanded Calice, they may as well demand Paris; for this they wonne by warre as well as that, and by warre they have lost both. The English pretend a new Title to Calice; the Title of the French is as old as the Kingdome it selfe. Though the English possessed it about two hundred and thirty yeeres, yet the right was in the Kings of France, and that no lesse then to the Dukedomes of Guyen and Normandy, which the English detained long time by Armes. Calice, as also those Dukedomes, the French have not purchased, but recovered by warre. The prescription of time, which they allege, taketh no place among Princes, but the right ever prevaileth; and according to the twelve Tables, the authority against the enemy is perpetuall. The English in making contracts are very advised; and yet in the late Treaty at Troyes, after they had begunne a warre principally for Calice, they not so much as once mentioned Calice, insomuch as they seemed to acknowledged that they had quite given over their claime to Calice. The Treaty of Troyes was a renewing of a former Treaty, so as the Treaty was then plainly renewed. Neither is that clause Concerning the Reservation of rights any impediment, forasmuch as it respecteth onely small matters; whereas this of Calice is to be reckoned amongst the greatest, whatsoever Francis the second attempted in Scotland cannot prejudice the rights of Charles the ninth. The things that any private man shall attempt are in some causes subject to Lawes; but in Princes causes the matter is otherwise. Concerning the attempts in Scotland being a dowry Kingdome, let the English expostulate the matter with the Queene of Scots, who doe gesse by conjectures at the purpose of Francis and the Queene, whereas the English entring into New-haven in France under a goodly shew of keeping it for the King, held it by Armes, fortifying it with a strong Garrison, and great store of provision and munition for warre, and furnished Condey and the Confederates with money; and therefore have they through their owne fault forfaited their right to Calice. It hath pleased God that Calice being recovered by the French, the warres betweene the English and the French Nations should surcease, whom he had divided by the interflowing sea, as the poet signifieth:
Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. And Britaines that are severed quite from all the world besides. The Queene of England also shall better provide for her owne commodity and good by embracing peace with the French, then by recovering Calice. To be short, no man dares be so bold as to perswade the King that Calice should be restored to the English; and if any durst, he were well worthy to be put to death, yea, to be damned to the pit of hell.
23. Hereunto Smith answered That he little expected that such an outworne Title of the French to Calice should be derived from antiquity. But now at length he perceiveth that whatsoever the French either by right or wrong once get into their possession, that they thinke to be their owne by right, as if their right stood onely in Armes, and it made no matter whether they possessed it with a good or bad conscience. The French thinke they hold Calice by right of recovery, having beene lost by warre long since, whereas they hold it by convention and agreement; no later convention doe they admit, and are fully resolved in no wise to keepe their word and promise for the restitution of Calice, but these things doe weigh downe all weight of reasons whatsoever. The praise which he attributeth to the English, as men advised in making their Contracts, the French have alwayes arrogated to themselves, and detracted from the English. The renewing of the Contract is a flat Antistrophe, and may truely be retorted upon the French, to wit, because the Queene demanded Calice, for that the French forfeited their right by innovating and attempting by Armes in Scotland. Contrariwise the French would exclude the English from their right to Calice, for that afterward the Queene of England made an attempt by Armes in New-haven. When in these things (saith he) the one would yeeld nothing to the other, wee agreed a peace at Troyes, which if it induced a renewing, that renewing extinguished the right of the French to Calice, and confirmed the right of the English, whose day was not yet come, because they could not claime Calice, the eight yeeres terme being not then expire. Here rising up, and turning to the Councell of France, I appeale (saith he) to your consciences which were present, whether when we urged to have our right to Calice reserved in expresse words, and yee urged to have it omitted, because the time was not yet come, whether (I say) it were not agreed betwixt us that it should be tacitly reserved under that clause, viz., all other claimes and demands shall remaine whole and safe; and in like manner the exceptions and defences on either side should be reserved. As for New-haven, the English entred thereinto peacably, being invited by the Inhabitants and Noblemen of Normandy, with protestation that they would keepe it for the use of the French King. So they attempted nothing by Armes against the French King, nor innovated to the prejudice of the Treaty; and hold it they did, not by any right of propriety, but as a pledge that they might have faire and equall dealing about Calice which was detained; the right whereof as well as the possession, as to the propriety, was devolved to the Queene by the attempt of the French in Scotland, flatly contrary to the Treaty. And as for the money, it was lent to Condey and the Confederates to no other intent then to satisfie the Germane Souldiers that mutinied for their pay, lest they should spoile the Kings Countries and Townes. All which the King also acknowledged by his Edict, to have been done A bonne fin et pour notre service, that is, To a good end, and for our service. These things and such like Smith alleaged.
24. When Montmorancy Constable, holding up a sword with a scabbard set with Flours de luce (which is the badge of his Office), spake much of the great warlike provision of the English in New-haven, as if the same had been sufficient to conquer not one small Towne, but all Normandy, There is no cause (said Smith) why any man should wonder at this, considering that the English being a Nation coasting upon the sea, know that they have not the winds at command which are the masters at sea; and therefore they provided timely and fully for the time to come. The French afterward making a grievous complaint that the Protestant fugitives out of France were not delivered (according to the agreement) to the French Ambassadour upon his demand, proroged the matter to another time; which by little and little expired as it were in silence, by meanes of Civill warre arising presently upon it in France. And without doubt the French had fully resolved that Calice should never be restored. For as soone as ever it was taken they threw downe the old Forts, began new, and let out the houses and other lands for fifty yeeres, and some they gave for ever.
25. Whilest these things are negotiated in France, Count Stolberg came into England from the Emperour Maximilian to treate of a marriage with the Archduke Charles, in which respect the Queene had a little before sent the Earle of Sussex to the Emperour with the ensignes of the Order of Saint George, who out of his love to his Country, joyned with emulation against Leicester, left no stone unremoved that the Queene might be joyned in marriage with some forraine Prince, and Leicester might be put from his hope. And Sussex had nothing more frequent in his mouth then that a forraine Prince was to be preferred before the Noblest English-man, whether a man respect Honour, Power, or Wealath, insomuch as one, which was of a contrary minde, said merrily in his presence, where these three, Honour, Power, and Riches, are respected in marriage, the Devill and the world are the match-makers and broker. Yet Leicester, leaning to his owne hopes, suborned the Lord North (whom Sussex had joyned unto him as a companion in his journey) to listen to what was spoken and observe what was done, and as much as Sussex advanced the marriage with Archduke, so much he to hinder the same privly, by giving secret notice that the Queens minde was most averse from marriage, whatsoever she pretended, and howsoever Sussex made shew to the contrary. Neither did he himselfe at home cease to discourage the Queene, by whispering in her eares all the incommodities of a forraine marriage.
26. He laid before her, That the late marriage of Queene Mary her sister with Philip of Spaine, whereby shee was cast into perpetuall sorrow, and England into danger of the Spanish slavery. He discoursed, That the manners, minde, and disposition of out-landish men could not be perceived, which in an husband, who by an unseparable uniting should be one flesh with his wife, are most neccessary to be perceived. To be daily conversant with a strange language and manners was most troublesome and miserable. That in children procreated by forraine marriage was ingendered some unwonted and strange thing. That by the consort of strangers strange manners and new orders are brought into a Common-wealth. That Princesses by forraine marriage doe for the most part augment, not their owne, but anothers Kingdome, subject themselves and theirs to a forraine command, and discover the secrets of the Kingdome to strangers. That a forraine husband will, out of his innated love to his Country, preferre his owne before the English. That England needeth no forraine ayd, which hath strength enough in her selfe to defend her selfe and hers, and repell forraine force. That by adjunction of another Kingdome commeth nothing but greater expences, cares, and trouble. And as mens bodies, so Empires also doe labour with their owne weight. That saying, that by domesticall marriage somewhat is detracted from the Royall dignity, is taken up by some in disgrace of Nobility, forasmuch as the Royall Majesty, which hath by her vertue made herselfe way to that heighth, fetcheth her beginning from Nobility, and Noble-men are as it were the rootes of the Royall stocke. And thence it is that the Kings of England have alwayes in their Letters to Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, and Vicounts, given them the title of Cousins.
27. Sussex in the meane time came with a great and goodly traine and shew, by Antwerpe, Coloigne, Mentz, Wormes, Spires, Ulmes, and Augspurg, into Austria. Where being honorably intertained, he stayed five moneths at the Emperours charge, conferring with him daily of most weightie matters, and of the marriage of Charles; and upon a day appointed, invested him at evening prayer with the Ensignes of the Order of Saint George, when out of scruple of conscience he refuseth to be present at the sacrifice of the Masse. In this negotiation there occurred difficulties concerning Religion, the Dukes maintenance, the Title of King, and the succession, about all which much arguing there was on both sides. As for the Title, the Archduke Charles should enjoy the Title and name of King of England. Touching the succession, hee could not by the Lawe of the Land succeede, for that would be prejudciall to their children, of whom notwithstanding it was agreed hee should have the Guardianship. And more ample matters were not granted to Philip of Spaine when he marryed Queene Mary. As for his maintenance, if he would at his owne charge maintaine the traine he should bring and retaine about him, the Queene would bountifully supply the rest answerable to his Royall dignity, yea, and that other also if he would require it. But touching Religion, there stucke the doubt. The Emperour required, and so did Charles also himselfe, that a publicke Church might be allowed wherein divine service might be celebrate to him and his after the Romish manner. When this would not be harkened unto, the Emperour devised a middle course, that in some private place in the Court he might peaceably use his service of God (as was permitted to Popish Princes Ambassadours in their houses), and that with these conditions: That no Englishman should be admitted thereunto; and neither he nor his servants should speake against the Religion received in England, or favour those that did speake against it; that if any displeasure should arise in respect of Religion, he should forbeare it for a time; and also that he should be present with the Queene at divine Service to be celebrate after the manner of the Church of England. To be short, this matter being maturely deliberated of in England, the Queene answered that if she should grant this, she should offend her conscience, and openly breake the publicke Lawes of the Realme, not without great perill, both of her dignity and safety. But if it would please the Archduke Charles to come into England that she might see him, hee should receive condigne fruite for his travaile. So the Emperour dismissed Sussex with great honour, and turning out of his way to Gratz, tooke his leave of the Archduke Charles, who in vaine hoped for a better answer from the Queene; for from thenceforth time extentuated these things by little and little, which had beene ripening by honourable mediators. Yet did there continue such dearnesse of love and mutuall kindnesse betweene both Princes, that the Emperour alwayes crossed the Bishop of Romes attempts against Queene Elizabeth. The Archduke Charles not long after tooke to wife Mary the daughter of Albert the fith, Duke of Bavar, who besides other children, bare unto him the Queenes of Spaine and Poland.
28. About this time came into England Stephen Twerdico and Theodor Pogorella from that most potent Emperour John Basilides, Emperour of Russia and Muscovia, with Furres of Sables, Lusers, and others, which at that time and in former ages were in great request amongst the English, both for ornament and wholesomnesse. They made large offers of all kindnesse and assistance to the Queene and the English, which the said Emperour had already performed at full upon these beginnings following.
29. Whilest certaine marchants of London, whereof the chiefe were Andrew Judd, George Barnes, William Gerard, and Anthony Husey, in the yeere 1553 sought a way into Cathay by the frozen or North sea, under the conduct of Sir Hugh Willoughbey, who was frozen to death, Richard Chanceller next after him happily discovered a passage into Russia, which was before unknowne, being brought into the mouth of the River Dvina, under the 64. degree of latitude of the North Pole, where standeth a little Monestery dedicate to Saint Nicholas. From hence the Emperour sent them to Mosko by sleds drawne over the ice, after the manner of the Country; hee welcomed them kindely, and dismissed them bountifully, promising large priviledges to the English, if they would trafficke in his Empire, heartily rejoycing that outlandish marchendises might be brought into Russia by sea, which the Russians had before with difficulty received by Narva, and the hostile Countryes of the Polonian. When Chanceller was returned and reported these things, and how deare the English clothes were sold in those parts, and how cheape hemp and flax for cables, waxe, and rich furres were sold unto them, those marchants grewe into a Company or Society, with the assent of Queene Mary, which we call the Muscovia Company, who having many priviledges granted them by Basilides, from that time had a rich trade of it, sending every yeere a Fleet thither. But most gaineful it was to them, after that through Queen Elizabeths favour with Basilides, they obtained in the yeere 1569 that none but the English marchants of that Company should trade in the North parts of Russia, and that they alone should vent their marchandises all over that most spacious Empire, as in proper place we will declare.
30. With these Russian Ambassadours returned into England Anthony Jenkinson, who took a most exact survey of Russia, described it in a Geographicall map, and was the first English-man that sayled on the Caspian sea, and pierced to the Bactrians. To this Jenkinson the Emperour gave certain secret instructions, which he imparted not to his owne people: to wit, that he should seriously sollicite the Queene for a mutuall league of defence and offence against all men, and for sending of Ship-wrights, Saylers, and munitions into Russia. And that the Queene would binde herselfe by oath to receive him courteously with his wife and children, if hee should be throwne out of his Kingdome either by rebels or enemies. Thus did a Tyrant, from whom no man can hold anything in safety, seeme to himselfe to be without safety. And certainly he tooke it hardly that the Queene answered slightly to these points. And yet he ceassed not both by Letters and Embassie, to urge these things, as in due place we will shewe, now and then requiring that the said Anthony might be sent backe as if he had dealt unfaithfully in secrets of so great a moment.
31. In the first moneth of this yeere, Nicholas Wotton Doctor of both Lawes, Deane of Canterbury and Yorke both at once, a man of noble birth, but farre more noble and famous at home and abroad for his wisedome, rendered his soule to God. For being of the Privy Councell to King Henry the eighth, King Edward the sixth, Queene Mary, and Queene Elizabeth, he was nine times sent Embassadour to the Emperour, the King of France and Spaine, and other Princes. Thrice was he a Commissioner for concluding of peace betweene the English, the French, and the Scots, and was chosen by King Henry the eighth amongst the sixteen Curators or Over-seers of his last Will and Testament.
32. This yeere also dyed Elizabeth Leiborne the third wife of Thomas Duke of Norfolke, who being widow to the Lord Dacres, and married to the Duke about a yeere, brought him no children; but to her former husband she bare George Lord Dacres, why dyed young by the fall of a vaulting horse upon him, as he learned to vault, and three daughters espoused de futuro to three of the Dukes sonnes.
33. I have already shewed in the yeere 1562 how Shan O-Neal, the lawfull sonne of Con O-Neal by-named Bacco, that is, The Lame, the most powerfull Lord of all the North part of Ireland which is called Ulster, came into England, and humbly craved pardon for his rebellion. He, being returned home, manfully defended that part of Ireland against the invasion of the Scots from Cantir and the Hebrides, killing their Leaders James Mac-Conel, to whom he was sonne in law, and Agn his brother. With which victory being puffed up, he began to exercise tyranny over the petty Lords of Ulster. Armach the Metropolitan City of Ireland he defaced with fire, in hatred of the Archbishop. O-Donel, who was the next to him in this tract, he despoiled of his goods and lands, carryed him away prisoner, and ravished his wife; Mac-Guire he drove out of his ancient inheritance, making a prey of Mac-Geniss and others. Whose protection when the English undertooke, he tooke up the Banner of rebellion against the Queene, which by the perswasion of Sir Thomas Cusac Knight, he soone layed downe againe, and returned to his obedience, delivering his sonne for hostage. And to keep him in his duty, the Queene resolved to disanull the Patent of King Henry the eighth, wherein he declared Matthew (falsely supposed to be the sonne of Con) to be successour of his father, and to bestow upon this Shan, as his undoubted sonne and heire, the honorable Title of Earle of Tir-Oen and Baron of Dungannon. But he being a man of a restlesse spirit, when he saw that he was able to leavy of his owne a thousand horse and foure thousand foote, and had already a guard of seven hundred men, disdained in a barbarous pride all such honorable titles, in comparison with the name of O-Neal, and vaunted himelfe among his owne people for King of Ulster, trayned the Country-people to warre, offered the Kingdome of Ireland to the Queene of Scots, and boyled in hatred against the English in such sort that hee named a Castell which he had built in the Lake Eugh Foeghnegall, that, is, The Hatred Of The English, and strangled some of his owne men, for that they fed on English bread. Yet never spake he of the Queene but with honour.
34. Against this Tir-Oen Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy was commanded to march; and Edward Randolph, a worthy Leader, was sent by sea to the coast of Ulster with a Cornet of horse and seven hundred foot to Dirry, a small Bishops See neare Lough-Foyl, to charge him in the rere, when the Lord Deputy should set upon him on the other side. Shan, understanding hereof, in a great fury assaileth Dundalke, but is beaten off by the Garrison, and received a great over-throwe; and no lesse at Whites-Castle. Afterwards, as he was about to waste the County of Louth with fire and sword, he was put to flight by a small power of Englishmen, and lost many of his men. Then marched he to Dirry, pillaged the Country round about, provoked the English Garrison to fight, who marshalling themselves in order of battell, easily brake through the disordered multitude, defeated them, and put them to flight. Yet sad was the victory, by reason of the unhappy death of Randolph the Leader, who, fighting manfully amongst the thickest of the enemies, was slaine. Surely a worthy man in our memory, for never was there any that gained greater authority, together with greater love amongst Souldiers. In his roome succeeded Edward a Sancto Laudo, or Saint Lo, who grievously afflicted and endamaged the Rebels in these parts, untill by sudden michance of fire the Garrison Towne was burnt, with the victuals and powder, which blewe up many of his men; for then he put his footmen aboord the small vessels he had, and he himselfe with the Cornet of horse, whereof George Harvey had the command, pierced through the middest of the insulting enemies, and in foure dayes journey came to the Lord Deputy, who mourned himselfe in blacke at the funerall of Randolph for his vertue.
35. And now the Lord Deputy marched into Ulster, Shan and his men hid themselves in woods and glynnes, and once or twice cut off the hindermost Companies neere Clogher and Salmon, a Castell of Turlogh Leininghs, who was then revolted from Shan. But after the Lord Deputy had placed his men in Garrison and restored O-Donell to his lands, and was returned to pacifie some variances betwixt the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, who made mortall warres one upon another, Shan, taking heart againe, harryed the Country round about, besieged Dundalke againe, which siege hee was faine shortly after to breake up againe with great losse and shame, having many of his men slaine. Whereupon being striken as it were into a fury, he exercised barbarous cruelty upon his owne men, insomuch as many forsooke him; and he himselfe when he saw his Companies weakened (for besides those which had forsaken him, there were foure thousand slaine), the passages beset, and all refuges seized on by the English, was minded to cast himselfe at the Lord Deputies feete with an halter about his necke, and crave pardon. But his Secretary disswaded him, advising him first to try the friendship of the Hebridian Scots, who during the heat of the warre had returned into Clandeboy (from whence he had driven them out a little before) under the conduct of Alexander Oge, that is the younger, and Mac-Gillispik, whose brethren Agn and James Mac-Conel he himselfe had slaine in fight. To these he came with the wife of O-Donell whom he had ravished, having to regaine their favour sent their brother Surley-Bois before, that is, Surley the yellow, him he had kept prisoner a long time.
36. They in revenge of their brethren and kinsmen whom he had slaine, received him with fained courtesie, and soon after taking him into their Tent, amongst their cups they fel to hot words for certaine opprobrious speeches of Shan against their mother, drew upon him, and slew him and most of his Company. This bloody end had Shan in the middle of June, who had despoiled his father of his Government, and his base brother of his life; a man most polluted with murders and adulteries, a very great rioter and glutton, and such a drunkard that to coole his body when it was immoderately inflamed with wine and Uskabagh [whiskey], he would many times be buried in the earth up to the chin. He left children by his wife, Henry and Shan, and more by O-Donels wife and his Concubines. His goods and possessions were confiscate by authority of a Parliament in Ireland, and Turlogh Leinigh the powerfullest man of the house of O-Neal, a man of a quiet spirit, was with Queene Elizabeths good-will saluted by the name of O-Neal by popular election. Neverthelesse Hugh, commonly called Baron of Dungannon, nephew to Shan by Matthew his base brother, a young man then little set by, who proved afterward the disturber, yea the plague of his Country, was received into grace of Queene Elizabeth, that she might have one to oppose against Turlogh, if he should chance to fall away from his duty.
37. Thus was Ulster restored to peace, but in the meane time in Munster there was much hurly-burly through an unhappy emulation betweene two kinsmen the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, and controversies about bounds, insomuch as they fought a battel neere Dromelin, and were sent for into England to plead their cause at the Councell-table. Neverthelesse, the matter being somewhat intricate, they were remitted to the Lord Deputy in Ireland, where the witnesses and evidence were night; but they being equall in number of warlike adherents and friends in Court, resolved to decide the matter by the sword, despising the authority of the Lawes. The Lord Deputy interposed himselfe with his authority and armed power. But Ormond, who would have his cause to seeme the better, so wrought, that the Lord Deputy was accused as inclining to favour Desmond, and was commanded to surprize Desmond, whom he intercepted at unawares at Kilmalock with John Desmond his uncle, and sent them into England, where they were committed into custody.