- История Англии XV-XVII
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- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1561
IN the beginning of the yeere Francis Earle of Bedford was sent into France to condole the death of King Francis, and congratulate his successor Charles the ninth. Who both by himselfe apart, and together with Throckmorton often times sollicited the Queene of Scots to confirme the Treaty of Edinborough, but all in vain. Who have no other answer, but that she must deliberately determine of so great a matter, and that she neither could nor would confirme it but by advice of the Nobility of Scotland. Notwithstanding, Trockmorton ceased not earnestly to urge thereunto by all meanes he could, both her, and also the Cardinall of Loraine and the rest of the Guises her uncles, and James her base brother, who was lately come into France. But when they delayed the matter from day to day, framing excuses, Queene Elizabeth suspecting that they plotted some dangerous practice against England, resolved to prevent them. She sendeth therefore Sir Thomas Randolph into Scotland to exhort the Nobility to mutuall amity, which is firmely founded in unity of Religion; and to give them to understand, that the Princes of Germany had entered into a confederacy against the Bishop of Rome, and that Queene Elizabeth heartily wished that the English and Scots were comprehended in the same; that now was the most commodius time (when the Scottish Queene was a widow) to accord [resolve] all variance betwixt the English and the Scots (who had contended so many yeeres to the losse of both their bloods) either by entering into a perpetuall League with the English, or by cutting off such contracts by ancient Leagues with the French as were wont to sowe discord between the English and the Scots; and finally to give secret warning to the Scots not to suffer the Queene widow to take any other forraine Prince to husband againe, by whose power she might revenge her selfe on them, which very lately resisted the French, and might bring their liberty in danger of thraldome againe.
2. In the meane time the Queene of Scots purposing to come into Scotland (having sent D’Oiseli a Frenchman before) requested Queene Elizabeth, that she might crosse the Sea into Scotland upon publicke warrantize of safeconduct, and that D’Oiseli might passe thorow England. But Queene Elizabeth, in presence of a great multitude standing by, denyed both the one and the other, adding the cause, for that she had not yet, according to her faith given, ratified the Treaty of Edenborough. Which if she would ratifie, she promiseth her all kindenesse which could be expected from a Queene, from a kinswoman, and from a neighbour, whether shee tooke her journey by sea, or thorow England. With this repulse the Queene of Scots being moved, sent for Throckmorton, with whom she had long speech about this matter, which I briefly here insert out of Throckmortons owne Letters (though some things already spoken must be repeated, to the end that the beginnings and progresses of the grudges and displeasures betweene the two most potent and prudent Princesses of our age may the more clearely appeare). She having removed all standers by spake in this manner to Throckmorton: What my womanish informity may be, and whither my heate of minde may cary me, I know not; yet I list not to have so many witnesses of my infirmity, as your Mistresse had of late when she spake to my Ambassadour O’Oiseli. There is nothing vexith me so much, as that I have asked those things which I needed not. Returne into my Country I can (God willing) without asking her leave, as I came hither contrary to the will and resistance of her brother King Edward. Neither doe I want friends which can and will bring me home againe, as they brought me hither. But I chose rather to make tryall of her friendship, then of any others whatsoever. I have often heard of you that amity betwixt me and her is most necessary for your people of both Kingdomes. Yet she seemeth to thinke otherwise, else had I not borne the repulse in so small a matter. But she peradventure favoureth more the Scots my Rebels, then me the Queene of Scots, her equall in the same highth of Royall Majesty, in blood most neere her, and her most undoubted heire. Can you thinke there can be that true faithfulnesse and love betweene the Scots my Rebels and her, which may be betwixt her and me? Or doth she thinke I shall be destitute of friends? Certainely she hath driven me to that passe, that I have craved helpe of them of whom willingly I would not. Neither can they sufficiently wonder to what intent she hath of late ayded by subjects against me, and now hindereth my returne to mine own Country being a widow. Besides her friendship I ask nothing at her hands; I trouble her not, nor intermeddle with English matters. Yet am I not ignorant that there are many in England that are not well contented with the present times. She upbraydeth mee that I have small experience. I confesse it; Age bringeth experience. Yet have I age enough to carry my selfe friendly and justly towards my kindred and friends, and to blab abroad nothing against her which may be unworthy of a Queene and my kinswoman. Let me also say by her favour that I am a Queene as well as shee, and not bare of friends, and that I beare a mind as high as she, so as wee may offer equall measure one to another. But I forbeare comparison, seeing it differeth not much from contention, and is not without envy. As for the Treaty of Edenborough, it was made in the King my husbands life time, whom I was to obey in all things as in duty I ought. And whereas he deferred the confirmation thereof, let the blame lye upon him, and not upon me. After his death, the Councell of France left me to mine owne Councell, neither would my Uncles intermeddle in Scottish matters, lest they should give offence to Queene Elizabeth or to the Scots. The Scots that are here with mee are private men, and not such as I may take to counsell in so weighty matters. As soone as I shall have consulted with the Estates of my Kingdome, I will give an answere to reason; and that I may give it the sooner, I hasten my journey homewards. But she determineth to stop my journey so as shee her selfe is in cause that I cannot satisfie her, or else will not be satisfied, happly to the end we may have no end of discords betwixt us. She reprocheth me many times that I am young; and young indeed she may think me and unadvised, if I wouild treate of matters of so great importance without the advice of my Estates. The wife (as I have heard) is neither bround in honour nor conscience by the husbands deeds. But that matter I dispute not. Yet this I may truely say, I have done nothing to my dearest sister which I would not have to be done unto my selfe. I have done her all the best offices of kindnesse, but she either beleeveth not, or contemneth it. Would to God I were as deare to her as I am neere her in blood, for this were a precious kind of kinred. God forgive them (if any there be) which sowe dissentions betwixt us. But thou that art an Ambassadour, tell me I pray thee for what cause she is so displeased against me, which have never yet hurt her in word or deed.
3. Hereunto Throckmorton answered: To answer your Majesty I have no Comission, but to heare your answer touching the confirming of the Treaty of Edinburgh. But if you please to heare the cause of her displeasure, I will briefely declare it, laying aside the person of an Ambassadour. As soone as the Queene my Mistris was crowned, you usurped the Armes and the Title of the Kingdome of England, which you did not before in the Raigne of Queene Mary. Whether a greater injury can be offered to a Prince, you may in your wisdome judge. Certainly such a wrong even private men cannot digest, much less Princes.
4. But (said she) my husbands father and my husband himselfe would have it so, so they commanded. Since the time that they dyed, and that I have beene mine owne free woman, I have quite abstained from those Armes and Titles. But yet I know not whether it be any prejudice to the Queene, if I being a Queene also, whose grandmother was King Henry the eighth his eldest sister, should beare those Armes, seeing others in kinred more remote have borne them. And certainly Courtney Marquesse of Excester, and the Dutchesse of Suffolke, neere to King Henry the eighth by his youngest sister, bare the Armes of England by speciall favour, with limbes or borders of a difference.
5. When these things satisfied not Queene Elizabeth, who was certainly perswaded that she did nothing but interpose delayes upon some new hope, forasmuch as shee had propounded nothing to the Estates of Scotland concerning the confirmation of the Treaty, though they had assembled once or twice after the death of her husband, she being now upon her way, sent for Throckmorton again to Abbeville, where shee gently asked him how she might in word or deed satisfie Queene Elizabeth. By ratifying (said he) the Treaty of Edenborough, as I have often told your Majesty already. To who shee replyed: Hearken therefore, that you may judge whether they be not just reasons, which she thinketh to be delayes and vaine excuses. The first Article in that Treaty, for ratifying the Treaty at the Castle of Cambray betweene England and France concerneth not me at all. The second, touching the ratifying of the Treaty there made betweene England and Scotland, was ratified by my husband and me, and cannot be ratified againe, unlesse it be concluded in mine owne name alone, seeing my husband is expressly named therein. The third, fourth, and fifth Articles are accomplished already; for warlike provisions have ceased, the French Garrisons are called home out of Scotland, and the Fort at Aimouth lyeth levell with the ground. I have abstained from the Armes and Titles of England since my husbands death. To raze and scrape them out of the utensils, buildings and charters thorowout all France is not in my power. As neither is it in my power to send backe the Bishop of Valence and Randan, who are not my subjects, into England to a debating of the sixth Article. As for the last Article, I hope my seditious subjects will not complaine of my unmercifulnesse. But she (I see) will prevent them, that they may not finde proofe of my clemency, who purposeth to hinder my returne. What remaineth now in this Treaty which may be prejudiciall to the Queene your Mistris? Neverthelesse for her more full satisfaction, I will write unto more at Large with mine owne hand touching this matter, though she deigne not to write back to me but by a Secretary. But I would wish you ,that are an Ambassadour, to performe that which belongeth to an Ambassadour, that is, to qualifie and extenuate matters, rather then to exasperate them.
6. But neither was Queene Elizabeth satisfied with those Letters, in whose minde stucke deepely the injury done in usurping her Title and Armes; and now was she very much perplexed lest she should usurpe them againe, unlesse by confirmation of the Treaty, and the conscience of an oath, she were bound to abstaine therefrom.
7. In the meane time the Queene of Scots, having gotten a fit oportunity, set saile from Calice [Calais], and arrived in Scotland, passing by the English ships in a foggy weather, which ships some thought were sent doe her honour by wafting her over, others, to suppresse Pyrates, and others thought they were sent to intercept her. For James the Bastard, returning very lately thorow England, had given secret warning to intercept her, if Queene Elizabeth would provide for Religion and her owne safety. The same did Lidington perswade (being glad that O’Oiseli was staid in England), lest (as he wrote) she returning, should raise Tragedies, stop all intercourse of Letters and messages with the English, weaken the faction that was addicted to the English, and finally exercise cruelty against the Protestants of Scotland, not as Traitors, but heretickes, as Queene Mary of England had done not long before. But the truth is she, being returned, used all gentlenesse towards her subjects, altered nothing in Religion (though tumultuously brought in), and began to order and governe the Common-wealth with passing good Ordinances. And to Queene Elizabeth she sent Lidington with her owne Letters and the Letters of the Scottish Nobility, wherein she expressed all desire to enter into and keepe peace, and requested her that some certaine course of peace might be taken betweene England and Scotland; but a more certaine course was there none, then if Queene Elizabeth would by authoritie of Parliament declare her heire apparent, next to succeede her in the Kingdome of England, in case she should have no issue.
8. This seemed strange to Queene Elizabeth, which had expected the confirmation of the Treaty of Edenborough, promised both under hand and by word of mouth. Neverthelesse she answered, That as for the succession, shee hoped that the Queene of Scots would not take away the Scepter from her and her children, if she should have any. She promised to derogate nothing from her Title to the Scepter of England, though shee through the over-hasty ambition of others, arrogated the Title and Armes of England; for which injury it was meete she should make satisfaction. By desiring her her successor, she feared lest amity would rather be dissolved then confirmed, forasmuch as to those that are in place of government, successors are alwayes suspected and envyed, the people (such is their inconstancy) in a loathing of things present, doe looke to the Sun-rising, and leave the Sun-setting; and the designed successors themselves are not able to limit their owne and others wicked hopes within the bounds of equity and reason. So as if shee should confirme unto her the succession, shee should quite cut off her owne security, and in her life time lay her owne winding-sheete before her eyes, yea, make her own grave, while shee liveth and looketh on.
9. After she had made this answer, shee by Letters sent by Sir Peter Mewtas lovingly admonisheth her againe to confirme the Treaty. Neither did the Queene of Scots directly deny it, yet signified that she could not well doe it till Scottish matters were settled. In the meane time Queene Elizabeth most bountifully intertained with all kinde of courtesie her uncles in their returne thorow England, namely Aumarl, the Grand Prior, Albeuf, and other Noblemen of France, which had conducted her into Scotland.
10. The English Marchants were notwithstanding through the procurement of the Duke of Guise injuriously handled upon the coast of Britaine, their ships taken and made prize, and there was close dealing againe at Rome for an excommunication to be thundred forth against Queene Elizabeth. But Pius Quartus Bishop of Rome thought best she should be dealt withall more mildly. For he (as I have said in the last yeere) sollicited by inticing Letters; and now, when hee appointed a day for the Councill of Trent (begun heretofore, and by often warres interrupted) for the taking away of dissentions in Religion, and allured thither all Princes, even such as were averse from the Popish Religion, he sent the Abbot of Martinego into England with Letters most full of love and kindnesse. But the Abbot stayed in the Netherlands, and requested leave that he might be admited into England. For by ancient Law it was provided that the Popes Nuncioes should not enter into England but upon leave first obtained, and oath also taken that they should attempt nothing in England which might be prejudiciall to the King, or the liberty of the Kingdome. And the Councell of England thought it not safe to admit him, considering that so many in all parts, being nuzzled up in Popery, diligently laboured at home and abroad to disturbe the quiet of the State. When the Abbot was not permitted to crosse the Seas into England, the Bishop of Viterbo, the Popes Nuncio in France, dealt earnestly with Throckmorton that Queene Elizabeth would send her Ambassadours to the Council; and many Princes of Christendome, the French King, the Spaniard, the Portugall, Henry Cardinall of Portugall, and especially the Duke of Alva (who yet bare her singular good will) perswaded her by their Letters, that she would rather rest upon the oecumenicall Council of Trent in matters of Religion, which is the only Anchor-hold of Christians and the prop of Kingdomes, then upon the private opinions of a few, though never so learned. She answered that she wished with all her heart an oecumenicall Councill, but to a Popish Council she would not send; with the Bishop of Rome she had nothing to do, whose authority was expelled out of England by consent of the Estates of the Realme. Neither belonged it to him, but to the Emperour, to call Councils; nor could she acknowledge any greater authority in him then any other Bishop. The same time that this Abbot, the last Nuncio of the Bishops of Rome into England, was denied accesse hither, departed ouf of this life at Rome Sir Edward Carne, a wise man, and learned in the Civill Law, who was Knighted by the Emperour Charles the fifth, and was the last Ambassadour of the Kings of England to the Popes.
11. When Chamberlaine the English Ambassadour in Spaine perceived the Spaniard to be more and more estranged in minde by this answer, as being joyned with some injury to the Pope (for hee being now by the death of Francis King of France delivered of his feare lest England, Scotland, and Ireland should fall into the hands of the French King, began to neglect the English), he returned home with good leave. In whose roome was substituted Sir Thomas Chaloner, who as soone as he arrived in Spaine, being a man impatient of injuries, and having beene sundry times Ambassadour in Germany, where hee had found nothing but courtesie, earnestly laboured by his Letters to be called home againe, for that his Cofers were searched according to the custome of the Country. But Queene Elizabeth admonished him, that an Ambassadour must take all things in good part, so as his Princes honour be not directly violated.
12. And now this prudent and provident woman (having in some sort established Religion) to the end that shee might prepare remedies against force, and prepare for the security of her selfe and her people, and might the more quietly injoy peace, though she found her treasure exhausted, began to furnish her Armory with all kinde of provision for the warres, laying out a great summe of money upon Armes and weapons in Germany, for that the Spaniard made stay of those which she had bought at Antwerp. Very many Peeces of great Ordnance of Brasse and Iron she cast. And God (as if hee favoured that she undertooke) discovered a most rich veine of pure and native brasse, which had beene long time neglected, neere Keswick in Cumberland, which abundantly suffizeth for that use, and afforded brasse to other Countries also. The stone also called lapis calaminaris, which is most necessary for the brasse works, was now (by Gods favour) first found in England, and that in aboundance. And she also was the first that procured gun-pouder to be made in England, that she might not both pray and pay for it also to her neighbours. To the Garrison of Barwick, which before consisted of five hundred men, shee added more, with increase of pay, to the end she might provide for old Souldiers and Martiall men. The Towne of Barwick she first began to strengthen with many workes and Fortifications, and finished the same in a short time. She sent Noble and wise men to reedifie and repaire the Castles and strong holds within twenty miles of the March to Scotland-ward. She provided her Fleet of all manner of tackling and munition, the best appointed Navy that ever Britaine saw. For the defence thereof she erected a Castle upon the banke of Medway, neere Upmore (where their harbour is), and increased the Saylers and Mariners pay, insomuch as she was worthily named by forreiners the restorer of the glory of shipping, and the Queene of the North Sea. Neither had she now any neede (as her father and predecessours had) to hire ships for her use from Hamborough, Lubeck, Dantzig, Genua, and Venice. The wealthier Inhabitants also of the Sea-coast, in imitation of their Princesse, with a certain alacrity built them ships of warre by strives [contests] who should exceede, insomuch as in a short time the Queenes Navy joyned with her subjects shipping was so puissant that it was able to bring forth twenty thousand fighting men for Sea service. The Noble-men also and common people with no lesse cheerefull diligence provided them Armes every where, so as in Noble-mens houses most compleat Armories were furnished. Musters also and viewes of Armes were often kept, and the youth trained very often to the science of warre, and audacity of skirmishing. The Country people also, when licence was once graunted to transport graine, began to ply their husbandry more diligently then before, yea and above that which the Lawes afterwards made required, by breaking up grounds which had layne untilled beyond all memory of man. In those dayes also the Queene restrained by a straight Proclamation the covetousnesse of Marchants, which supplied munitions for warre to the Emperour of Russia against the Polonians, and also to the enimes of Christendome, as likewise the greedinesse of the Officers of the Exchequer, which had kept backe the pensions assigned to Religious men that had been throwne out of the Abbyes. For she commanded that every one of them that were living, and not knowne by certaine testimonies to be preferred, should be payed to the uttermost farthing.
13. Warrants or Commissions for exacting victuals for the Fleete and the Garrison of Barwick she revoked, delivering money to the Purveyers to buy it, and not burden her people. She purposed also to take away the Commissions for provision of her Household, some Counrties afterwards consenting to supply it at a certaine rate, that they might freed from the Takers, or Purveyors, a mischievous kinde of people, whom she termed Harpyes. About this time also (if my memory faile me not), she augmented the stipends of the Justicers of Assizes and first graunted them provision for their journies or Circuits. And though she were somewhat sparing, yet knew she where, how farre, and when to use liberality, being indeed providently bountifull to well-deservers. Forwheras King Henry her father, albeit he had three children, yet he gave away prodigally much of his Royall Domaine, as also did King Edward and Queene Mary, having no children, she, though she had none, gave very little of her Domaine, nor almost any thing else, but with proviso that for default of heires male it should returne to the Crowne. In which regard, both her Kingdome and successours ought to have her provident care in gratefull remembrance.
14. In the middest of these best cares of Queene and people, whilest the Common-wealth seemed to revive to the generall rejoycing of all men, this sad accident befell. The most beautifull Spire of the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in London, which for a singular ornament to the City was raised to an admirable height, namely five hundred and twenty foote from the ground, and two hundred and sixty from the square steeple upon which it stood, being framed of timber and covered with lead, tooke fire from heaven neere the top, and with such violence the devouring fire descended, to the great terror of the Citizens, that in five houres space it quite consumed it, together with all the roofe of the Chirch, which was very large, and covered likewise with lead. Neverthelesse the Arches, which were all of stone, remained untouched. But by the great bounty of the Queene (who largely supplyed a great quantity of money and materials), and by money gathered of the Church-men and others, the roofe was soone repaired, onely the Spire is lacking.
15. This yeere departed this life John Bourchier, a man of ancient Nobility, the second Earle of Bath of this name, and Baron Fitz-Warin, who by Eleanor the daughter of George Lord Rosse, begate a plentifull issue. His grand-sonne William yet living, by his eldest sonne, succeeded him.