- История Англии XV-XVII
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- Культура Англии XVI-XVII вв.
- Митрофанов Владимир Петрович
- Экономическое развитие Англии в XVI-середине XVIIв.
- Студентам исторических факультетов
- Английский ренессанс
- Борьба с бедностью и роскошью в Англии
- The peasantry and the English State (the second half of the XVI-th - the first third of the XVII-th centuries)
ANNO DOMINI 1602
THE conditions being put in writing the second of January, and ratified on both sides by oath, the Spaniards having gotten a fit season set sayle from Ireland, their numbers being very much weakened and abated, while the Irish fretted with great indignation that they had by composition delivered into the hands of the English all the Castles and forts which they had received into their protection. But when they were ready to deliver up Dunboy, O-Suillivant Bear, who had entrusted them with it, suddenly invaded it, fortified it with workes, and with suppliant letters recalled the Spaniards. But the President, lest by such an accomodious harbour and receptacle the warre might be revived againe, hasted thither by sea (for the march by land was very difficult), disappointed Tirrell, who was ready with his mercinary souldiers to impeach his landing, and with a bloudy siedge having forced the Castle, razed it to the ground, and withall excluded the Spaniards in good time from all hope of returning into Ireland, who were now expected to come backe againe.
2. Neverthelesse Eugenius O-Hegan, who was designed by the Pope to be Bishop of Rosse, brought money and propounded new hopes of succours from Spaine; whereby hee so strengthened the mindes of those that were in suspense in these parts that they persisted in their rebellion. But Wilmote in Kirrey, where was Governour, and Roger and Gawin Harvey, brethren, in Carbery, taking their Castles, driving away their Cattell, and putting many to the sword, reduced very many by force into order. The President himselfe suddenly surprized Cormac Mac-Dermot a great Lord of Muskery, very powerfull in followers and adherents, being accused of seeking innovation in the state, and committed him to custody; from whence notwithstanding hee soone after made an escape. But when hee saw his Country laid waste, his Castles seized on by the English (for Wilmote, what time hee escaped, had forced Muckron his chiefe seat while by casualty [accident] it was fired), his sonne in England, his wife in Corke, imprisoned, and himselfe in extreme hazard of life and ruine of his estate, hee humbled himselfe and craved pardon, which hee obtained upon Suerities. In the meane time Samuall Bagnall put Tirell to flight, who was come into Muskery with mercenary Robbers, despoiled him of his Castles, and chased him into the Mountaines of Desmond. Wilmote also did so sharply prosecute the Knight of Kerry and other famous Rebels that with howlings they submitted and fled to his protection. Tirell, being pursued by the Lord Barry and Wilmote, withdrew himselfe secretly through by-wayes into Leinster. Shortly after, William a Burgh and O-Suillivant Bear, being terrified with many difficulties, left Bear and Bantrey unpeopled to be over-runne by the English. On the other Side Capaine Taffe, being sent forth by the President, hotly pursued Eugenius Mac-Carty and Donat Keagh in Carbery, Eugenius O-Hegan the Bishop being slaine, fighting amidst the Rebels with a Breviary in one hand and a Sword in the other.
3. Though the Spaniards were now removed out of Ireland, yet the Queene, having a watchful eye over the safety of her people, sent forth unto the Coast of Spaine a Fleet of 8 of her Royall shippes with some of lesser burden, under the command of Sir Richard Leveson and Sir William Monson, to with-hold the Spaniards from setting their mindes upon Ireland againe. Leveson put to sea the 19th of March, and Monson followed him after hee had stayed some dayes for the Low-country mens shippes to joyne with him, but in vaine. In the meane time Leveson lighted upon a Fleeet of 38 Spanish shippes which brought silver from America, and with those few shippes which hee had set upon them, but with fruitlesse successe.
4. After Monson was come with the rest of the Navy, they barred for many dayes together all traffique on the coast of Portugall. At the length they received certaine intelligence that an huge vessell called a Caraque, of the burden of 1600 tunne, laden with rich marchandies from East-India, was arrived at Sesimbria in Portugall <near the promontory of Barbary>; that there were eleven gallies riding there at anchor, whereof eight were Spanish, assigned to Frederic Spinola for the Low-Country warre, and the other three were of Portugall. Sesimbria is a small City with a Castle furnished with 12 Peeces of Ordnance. Under the Castle rode the Caraque; the Gal lies lay on the West side of the Roade, under the point of a Rocke, with their fore-Castles forward, in every of which were mounted 5 Peeces of Ordnance; so as from the Castle, from the Caraque, which was like a Castle, and from the Gallies extreme danger seemed to threaten the Assailants. Yet was Sir Richard Leveson resolved with the common consent of all the Sailors to set upon them, and to fire the Caraque if they could not take her.
5. The next day therefore, as was agreed, having a gentle gale hee set up a Flagge in the Admirals [flagship’s] Main-top, and Monson another (according to the custome of Sea-men) in the Vice-Admirals Fore-top; and shortly after entring with 5 of the Queenes ships into the Roade they cast anchor over against the Gallies and thundred upon them with such violence with their great Ordnance that after 7 hourse the Marquesse of Sancta Cruce withdrew himselfe with the Portugall Gallies which hee commanded.
6. But seeing Spinola did not follow him, he returned againe. But these Gallies, not enduring the force of our ships, they presently shifted every of them for it selfe by flight. Two of them were taken and burnt, wherein was great store of powder to be carried into the Netherlands; the rest being torne and battered, and the Slaves for the most part slaine, which much adoe recovered the mouth of the River Taye. Now was Monson ready to set upon that huge Caraque to fire it. But Leveson forbad him and gave the Captaine of the Caraque to understand by Sewell, an old Sea-man, that the Gallies wherein hee trusted were put to flight, and two of them taken; that hee was now Master of the Roade; that the Castle was not able to withstand the forces of the English, much lesse was his Caraque. If therefore they refused mercy when it was offered, they should every man of them feele his rigor. The Captaine required that some Gentleman might be sent with whom hee would treat more fully. Monson was sent; unto whom these conditions were propounded, that all which were in the Caraque (for 300 Gentlemen were come into her to defend her) might forthwith be safely dismissed with their Armes. That their Flagge might not be taken downe. That the shippe it selfe and the Ordnance might returne to the King, but all the goods should goe to the English. Monson assented that they should bee all dismissed within three days. But that the Spanish Flagge should be displayed in sight of the English, unlesse it were at the sterne of the shippe, or that the shippe and Ordnance should goe to the Spaniard, this hee would not heare of.
7. After long parley it was agreed that the Portugals should be dismissed within two dayes with their matches put out; that their Flag should be taken downe; that the whole shippe with the Ordnance and goods should without fraud be delivered up; and that in the meane time they should not discharge their Ordnance upon the English from the Castle. All were dismissed out of the Caraque the same night except the Captaine and some few others, which were set on land early in the morning. The same day was the Caraque brought out of the Roade, and the English, taking the benefit of favourable windes, brought home a rich Prize (to the value of tenne hundred thousand Duckets in the estimation of the Portugals), with the losse of no more than 5 Sailers.
8. Monson was sent backe with some shippes to the coasts of Spaine, where hee continued in the midd’st of winter, lest any attempt should be made upon Ireland. Whilest hee was upon the sea sailing towards Spaine, Frederic Spinola with six Gallies which escaped in safety at Sesimbria, coasting along by the shore of France, came the 23rd of September to the British Straight, or narrow seas, intending therewith to enter into some Haven of Flanders. Sir Robert Mansell lay in wait for him with one or two of the Queenes shippes and four of Holland dispersed here and there. Two Gallies were first descried out of the Hollanders shippes; these two they determined to set upon first. But they, espying one of the Queenes ships not farre off, turned back to spend the day, and by the favour of the night to atteine unto their desired Haven. From eight of the clocke in the morning till Sun-set Mansell with shippes and two Hollanders had them in chase. When night came, the Gallies wound about to the coast of England (comming so neere that some of the captive Slaves, taking off their fetters and leaping over Boord, swam to shore); the Gallies unawares came to a place where one of the Queenes shippes and the other Hollanders lay at anchor. Hereupon Mansell, being assured that the Gallies would light upon them, that they might the more securely hold their course, turned aside with intent to beare betwixt the gallies and the coasts of Flanders. They light upon the Queenes shippe called the Answere; Broadgate the Captaine, who upon occasion of the report of the Ordnance which hee had before heard a farre off, had prepared himselfe for the fight, gave them 38 shot, and in like manner the Hollanders afterward thundered upon them.
9. The Gallies, not discharging on Peece of Ordnance, escaped by the swiftnesse of their Oares, and wandering in the dead on night one of them light upon Mansell; against which hee discharged all his Ordnance, shot her Mast over-Boord, and hearing a lamentable cry, hee drew neereer, and by an Interpreter offered them mercy. But the other five Gallies comming in to their succour, hee discharged a broad side amongst them. What slaughter hee made, though the night were somewhat light, could not be told. And after this there was not the report of one Peece of Ornance heard untill a shippe of Holland fell foule upon a Gally called the Lucera or Phosphorus, and tearing way her Rudder, maimed her in such sort that soone after shee suncke with almost all that were in her. Another shippe of Holland, by casualty falling foule of the Gally called the Padilla, ranne over it, and was her selfe almost split. Another of the Gallies was cast away by negligence of the Mariners whilest it hastend to Calys [Calais]. Two of them put into Newport. Spinola himselfe in the Admirall escaped with great store of wealth into Dunkirk; who, having repaired these three Gallies, carried them to Scluise, and the next yeere after, in a Sea-fight against the Hollanders, was shot with a Peece of Ordnance and died with praise for his valour.
10. Wee said before that the Journey of the Bishop of London, Christopher Perkin, and John Swale Doctors of Law, whom the Queene had sent Commissioners to Embden in the yeere 1600 to treat with the Commissioners of Denmarke, came to nothing. Now were sent againe by the Queene to Bremen touching the same matters Ralph Lord Devers, Sir John Herbert Secretary for the Latine tongue, Daniell Dunn Doctor of Law one of the Masters of Requests, and Stephen Leisieur joyned Assistant; and from the King of Denmarke Mauderope Persberg, Arnold Whitfield Chancellor of Denmarke, and Jonas Charis Doctor of Law. The Englishmen complained that free Navigation into Muscovy by the North sea, and fishing upon the Coasts and Ilands of the same was denied unto them; and extraordinary Customes were exacted of them in the Sound, and that for passing onely. They required that the ancient League betweene Henry the 7th King of England and John King of Denmarke in the yeere 1490, and betweene Henry the 8th and Christiern in the yeere 1525 might be revived and accommodated to these times; that the extraordinary and uncertaine exaction of new Customes might be taken away or lessened, and a certaine rate set down in writing, with the certaine manner of confiscation; their ships might not be staied in the Straight longer then was just, that the complaints of private men might be compounded; and that munition for warre might not be carried into Spaine. Hereupon it was debated betwixt them whether it were lawfull for Princes to increase their Customes at their pleasure contrary to the ancient Leagues. Whether this were not against equity, though it have beene used, considering that a Custome ought to attend upon truth and equity. Whether those things which have beene established with most grave councell, and for some time tollerated on both sides, might be abrogated without wrong to the Royall right. Whether the Customes imposed by the English upon the Danes and Forraigners in the raigne of Queene Mary for marchandies exported and imported were more reasonable than those which are imposed by the Dane for passage onely, who for securing of Sailers requireth a Rose noble of a shippe, one peice of money of the hundreth, and Lastage. Whether Customes are to be exacted for passage, which are not paied else-where but for landing and selling of marchandies. Whether it were not free for the English to fish in the North sea, and in the Ilands and Coasts thereof, and through the same to saile about into Muscovy, seeing the sea is free for all men, and Princes have no such dominion upon the sea that they can deny Sailers the use there of, no more than of the ayre, according to that of the Emperor Antonine, I truly an Lord of all the Earth, but the Law is Lord of the Sea. Judge yee therefore according to the Law of Rhodes. Whether therefore it were not against the Law of Nations to usurpe such a dominion of the sea, seeing Princes have no jurisdiction but in the sea neere adjacent to their Territories; and that onely for the securing of Navigations from Pirats and enemies. And the Kings of England have never prohibited the Navigation and fishing in the Irish sea betweene Enland and Ireland, though they be Lords of the coasts on both side no lesse than the Dane is of Norwey and Iseland, who challengeth this right to himselfe in no other respect. But if Customes are to be exacted from the English for passage, the Queene may as well exact no lesse of the Danes that saile to her Dominions, Kingdomes, and Ilands. Hereupon the Danes propounded that seeing the Kings father allowed that navigation for the Queenes sake, though to his great dammage, the English Merchants should redeeme the same for 200 Rose nobles a yeere during the Queenes life. That the goods taken on both sides might be restored according to reason and equity, making great complaints and obtestations concerning the English Pirats, saying that though in the heat of warre the insolency of Pirats cannot be quite suppressed, yet may it by severity of punishment be restrayned; otherwise arrests are to be granted for repaying of injuries and losses, because it mainely concerneth Kings to see that their subjects receive no detriment. That the English ought not to complaine of the carriage of warlike provision into Spaine, seeing so little is transported by the Danes that the Spaniard may easily bee without it, and cannot thereby increase his strength.
11. After they had debated these things the space of two moneths by writings exhibited on both sides, the Danes beyond expectation told the English that they had no power to reexamine or reforme the Leagues, nor to take away or abate the customes, nor to grant the fishing in the sea of Ireland and Norwey, without the Kings speciall licence and upon some certaine conditions; and withall (which moved great admiration) they inhibited the English to fish in the Ilands of Feroe, under such penalty as the rest of the fishings had beene prohibited before. The English on the contrary protested in plaine words concerning the nullity and invalidity of this inhibition, and of any other declaration whatseover made contrary to the Leagues. And when they could not otherwise agree then that the things acted and transacted should be referred to the Princes on both sides, and the Danes had promised to make diligent intercession to the King for publishing his Tole-bookes, whereby the certainty of measures, number, and weights might appeare, and that there might be no change thereof at pleasure contrary to the prescript rate in writing, which should remaine in the hands of the Officers of the Custome house; and that in case of confiscation, those goods onely should be arrested and confiscate which are concealed and not marked. The English Commissioners resting satisfied with the Danes promises, the whole matter was suspended and prorogued to another time, saving alwayes the rights of the Queene of England, and of her subjects and Realme.
12. Whilest these things were debated betwixt both Princes, the Popish Churchmen in England fell into a sharpe contention amongst themselves. For the Jesuites on the one side, and the secular Priests on the other side, fell foule of one another with bitter pennes, virulent tongues, and contumelous bookes. The seculer Priests taking in great indignation that Blackwell sometime a Student of Trinity Colledge in Oxford, who was wholly at the disposing of Garnet Generall of the Jesuites in England, was made Archpriest over them, detracted from his authority. He therefore first deprived them of their Faculties (as they call them), and soone after they appealing to the Bishop of Rome, he procured them by a Booke declared Schismatikes and Heretikes. This aspersion they wiped away, and that by the censure of the University of Paris in favour of them. And setting forth Bookes one in the necke of another, they highly extolled the Queene, in that from the beginning of her reigne she had dealt favourably and mercifully with the Papists. For first they shewed that in the first 11 yeers of her reigne there was not one Papist called question of his life for his conscience or Religion; and that in full ten yeeres after the Bull of Pius Quintus published against her, and the rebellion of the Papists, there were not above 12 Priests put to death, and of them some convict of treason, until the yeere 1580 when the Jesuites crept into England. Then they shewed at large that their wicked practises against the State put all things into hurly-burly, much empaired the Catholike Religion, and drew forth strict Lawes against the Catholikes. Yet were there not in ten yeeres following above 50 Priests executed, and 55 more (such was her mercy) banished, against whom shee might have proceeded by Law. That from that time there were Seminaries erected in Spaine for Englishmen by the procuremenet of Parsons an English Jesuite; and out of them were sent every yeere into England bearded and turbulent Priests. That this Parsons incited the Spaniard to invade England and Ireland againe; that in a printed booke hee maintained the title of the King of Spaines daughter to the Crowne of England, and exacted an oath of Students in the Seminaries to maintaine the same; that Holt of the same society of the Jesuites suborned Hesket to raise a rebellion, and Cullin, Yorke, and Williams to kill the Queene; and that Walpoole a Jesuite perswaded Squier to commit the same wicked fact by poyson. Insomuch as the Queene, who never thought the conscience was to be forced, could not but of necessity use severity against this kinde of men, unlesse shee would betray her owne and her kingdomes safety and security. Parson, whom they called Cowbuk, they taxed as a bastard, of the scumme of the people, a man of a most seditious spirit, a Sycophant, an equivocator, and a broaker of kingdomes. The defamatory libels therefore of the Jesuites against the Queene they condemned of falsehood, and the authors thereof, of treason against God and her Majesty, arguing soundly that faith and true Religion is to bee propagated not by bloudy armes, but by the spirit of meekenesse and mildnesse. Lastly, they besought the English Papists that they would not send over their children to be bred up in the Jesuites Seminaries, who are wont to infuse the poyson of treachery into their tender minds with their first rudiments.
13. In the middest of these contentions, where seriously or colourably undertaken (which the Bishop of London cunningly cherished), the Privy councell found that both the Jesuites and those Priests for the most part secretly conspired in this point to withdraw the subjects from their obedience to the Queene, and excite the people to advance the Romish Religion even by Armes. The Queene therefore commanded by Proclamation the Jesuites and Secular Priests adhering unto them to depart the Realme; and the rest, which seemed to bee mediators, to depart within two moneths, unless in the meane time they would professe obedience to their Prince; and neither these nor others of the same profession to returne, under paine of undergoing the punishments inflicted by the Lawes. And this Proclamation without doubt came forth by Gods direction to avert a mediated wickednesse. For whilest these things were in hand, Thomas Winter (as hee himselfe confessed afterwards) and Tesmund a Jesuite, being sent into Spaine from some of them, privily plotted dangerous designes to cut off Queene Elizabeth and exclude James King of Scots from his most just title of succession to the Crowne of England. And not onely these in England, but in the Netherlands also mutinous souldiers raised turbulent commotions against the Archduke, and in France some also against the King, as if a tempest seemed to be raysed by some constellation against Princes. In France the Duke de Biron was beheaded, who had undertaken wicked designes against his countrey, and wounded the Majesty of the King with stinging words. His confession what it was I know not, but it inwrapped many, amongst others it so daunted the Duke of Bullion that, being commanded to appeare before the King, hee obeyed not, but fearing the Kings displeasure and the power of his adversaries in Court, hee withdrew himselfe into Germany. Hereupon the King made a grievous complaint against him to Queene Elizabeth, as if he accounted his marriage with Mary of Florence unlawfull, the Popes dispensation of no validity, and thereby his sonne illegitimate; as if he had destined the Prince of Condey to the succession of the Crowne; sought the destruction of the prime Catholikes; conspired to betray the united Provinces to the Spaniards that would buy them; refused the tryall of the Parliament of Parys, appealing to the Chamber at Chastres, which had no jurisdiction in such causes; and excepted against his accusers, which is not lawfull in a crime of treason. That these things were but tergiversations to refuse all triall, and arrogate to himselfe regall authority.
14. He therefore asked counsaile of Queene Elizabeth what was to be done in this matter. She made him answere by her Embassadour Legier in France, that she was very sory to heare these things, yet shee held it a great honour that he imparted so great a businesse unto her. His moderation shee commended, who in the suggestions of so great dangers harkened rather to the advise of his friends than to the affections of his owne minde. Concerning the counsaile which he asked, she answered that if the proofes against him were as cleere as the objections were odious, he should doe well to proceed against him by Law; but till such time as these proofes were apparent, it would bee dangerous to give counsaile, lest she should sinne against God if innocency were oppressed, or the King should be offended if hee should suspect his owne safety to bee neglected. Shee held it therefore best in so doubtull a matter to be silent. Yet she earnestly besought the King to take Counsaile of his owne judgement and conscience, and accurately to examine the accusations and confessions,whether they proceeded from men of credite, and free from suspition, seeing no mans innocency is safe from the malice of slanderers; saying that bare affirmations are but slender proofes to informe the Conscience of a just Judge against a man of such remarkable Vertue. That the crimes objected, till they were more fully prooved, seemed in so great a man as incredible, as they were in their owne Nature execrable. For who would beleeve that he, having beene instructed from his tender yeares in the feare of God, and having continued so many yeares in incorrupted loyalty to his Prince and Countrey in the greatest dangers, should once imagine any such wicked attempts against his Prince of such great deserts, or joyne Counsailes with men of crack’d credites and estates, with whom hee had never any conformity in Manners, Religion, or Faction, and from whom he could expect nothing but perfidiousnesse? That it was to bee feared least these suggestions were coyned in the Spanish mint to imbroyle the French againe in a deadly Warre amongst themselves. All this the King heard with discontentment, and presently brake forth into these words: The Queeene thinketh better of Bullion than he hath deserved. Hee was one of the Architects of the Earle of Essex his Conspiracy against her and her Privy Councellors. Neither did hee dissemble it when I objected it to him, but smiling put me off without answere. The crimes objected he confidently affirmed to be most true. His benefites heaped upon him he reckoned up particuarly, to wit, that he had taken him into his Family; procured him a rich Marriage with the Heire of the House of Bullion; put him to possession of Sedan; chosen him to be one of the Gentlemen of his Private Chamber, and advanced him to the honors of a Marshall and a Duke. That he had determined very lately to open the Gate of mercy to him, if he would have asked pardon. But seeing he disdayned so to doe, and out of the guiltinesse of his Conscience fled away, there was no cause to offer mercy againe. He added that hee in the like cause had made intercession to the Queene by letter for the Earle of Essex; but finding the heavinesse of his crimes, he gave over. The Embassadour replied that the Queene thought well of the Duke in this respect chiefly, Because he had in all points hitherto approoved his fidelity and fortitude to his Prince and Country; that shee would be very sorry, yea she would detest him from her heart, if the matters objected against him should bee found true, as in the Earle of Essex his cause they were. And that this her advise proceeded from no other ground then from a minde carefull of the Kings safety and security no lesse then her owne.
15. But if any credite may be given to French Writers and the more piercing sighted English, Byron, Bullion, and others, which has perswaded themselves, that they by their fidelity and fortitude had raysed the King with their extreame perills to the Regall Dignity, when they saw that the King was more favourable to those that lately conspired his destruction, and reposed trust in these above others as men of best desert and of a constant disposition, and which would make amends for the offence by good Offices, that he decreed honours unto them, and left entire governements unto them which they had seized on in time of the late troubles, they tooke it in great disdayne as if he suspected their loyalty, and thereupon and for other causes mooving them, as men that had deserved much better, they beganne to conspire together to make their governments hereditary to them and their posterity; and when they could not extort what they would, they grew more outragious then the very enemy. For of this number were those who ashamed not most virulently to taxe the King by Letters to the Queene, not onely as an ungratefull Prince, but also weake of courage, as if hee had not vanquished his enemies by Martiall valour but reconciled them unto him by promises and rewards. Yet she, being most carefull of the Kings safety and honour, and pittying the frequent and headdy [headstrong] revolts of the French, never ceased to extoll him as the onely preserver and restorer of the decaying French Monarch. These things have I interlaced by the way, that the considerate wisedome of the Queene in advising the King, her constant good-will to her old Friend and follower of the same Religion, and her Counsaile most full of faithfulnesse toward both of them, may be made knowne unto Posterity. At which time also she relieved Geneva the Nurcery of the reformed Religion, being now by open force and cunning practises attempted by the Duke of Savoy, the Prelates and people throughout all England contributing a great summe of money towards the reliefe thereof.
16. This yeare departed this life in the moneth of February, in a very old age, Alexander Nowell, Doctor of Divinity and Deane of the Church of Paules in London. Who in the dayes of Queene Mary lived in Exile in Germany for the truth of the Gospell, which after his returne he most diligently maintayned both by his Sermons and Learned Writings. Hee added unto the Revenewes of Brazen-Nose Colledge in Oxford, where he had beene brought up, the rent of 200 pounds a Yeare for the maintainance of thirteene Students, and the whole course of his life, gave light to others by his remarkable example of an holy conversation. After him succeeded John Overall, Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge (a man every way most learned) through the commendations of Sir Fulke Grevill to the Queene; which Sir Fulke was a singular patron of learned men.
17. Now Ireland calleth me againe to recount what things were done there this Yeare. After the Spaniards were driven out of Ireland, Tir-Oen in a fearefull flight made all the hast he could by long Marches coasting the Country to his lurking holes in Ulster, having lost very many of his men, which were swallowed up by the swiftnesse of the Rivers swelling with the Winter Waters. And from this time could neyther rest in quiet without care, nor conceive any hope without feare, whilest out of an evill and burdened Conscience hee lived, not with just cause, in continuall feare, and mistrusted every one, insomuch as he chose day by day new places to lurke in, and presently left them againe. The Lord Deputy, to refresh his wearied Souldiers, billotted them in Wintering places, and having setled all matters in Munster, returned to Dubylyn. And the heavier time of the Yeare being over, hee went againe by easie Marches (thereby to spread the more terrour) with a strong Army into Ulster, there to incompasse the Rebels as it were with a toyle (as he had before determined) by erecting Forts and placing Garrisons round about them. His Army hee ledde over Blacke-water by floates of Timber fastned together, and finding a Fort before unknowne beneath the old Fort, he built a Sconce there, which after his owne Christen name he called Charlemount. Tir-Oen being terrified heerewith set fire on his House at Dungannon. The Lord Deputy marched beyond, and as soone as Sir Henry Docrwa with his Forces was come from Logh-Foil, hee sent foorth Souldeirs into all parts, cut downe the standing Corne, set fire on Houses and Villages, and drove away Cattle every where. The Forts in Logh-Carew, Logh-Reah, and Moherlecow (where Sir John Barkley Knight, a most Valiant Gentleman, was shot through with a small Shot) was rendred to the Lord Deputy, who placed a Fort with a Garrison at Logh-Eaugh, or Low-Sidney, which of Montjoy the Title of his Honour he named Fort Mountjoy, and made Sir Archur Chichester Knight Governour thereof, who by his Vertue deserved to succeed the Lord Deputy. Sir Henry Docrwa he sent back to Dirry, who tooke O-Cahan into favour after he had yeelded up a great part of his Territory to the Queene, conditionally that he might hold the rest by Letters Patents. Then by the Lord Deputies commaund he over-ranne Oyme, making there a miserable slaughter, and drove away Cormac Mac-Barons Cattle, but not without perills. After this the Lord Deputy called him backe, and having taken the Castle of Ager, after a few dayes sent him home, and with him Sir Henry Folliot whom he made Governour of Ballashanon, first with Vicariall power under him, and sooner after (beyond all mens expectation) with absolute power, whilest the English marvailed that he was preferred before Docwra, who by his paines and service recovered Ballashanon. And that the same time, to the asonishment of the Irish, he received into his protection Rodericke O-Donell a most famous Rebell, neglecting Neal Garve who had beene hitherto faithfull to the English. Who tooke it in such disdaine that in a headdy humour hee tooke uppon him the Title of O-Donell to his owne ruine, exercised tyranny over the people, and compelled them to sweare fealty to him, and not to the Queene.
18. Now in the end of the Yeare Sir Arthur Chichester and Sir Henry Docwra determined to assaile Tir-Oen on all sides, who lay lurking in the Woody Vallies, but all approaches were so miry, the March so cumbersome by reason of the thicknesse of the Trees, the weather so foule, and their Scoutes so perfidious, that they were faine to give over their enterprize. But (in conclusion) the Garrisons disposed here and there by the Lord Deputy, men of great knowledge in military affayres and greater courages, did so vexe and turmoile the Rebels with often charging upon them, and crosse expeditions this way and that way, that when they saw themselves beset on very side, all places every day more straightened, and that they must like wilde Beasts hide themselves among the fastnesses of Woods and Forrests, very many of them changed their fidelity with their Fortune, and began secretly to submit themselves to the Lord Deputy, striving who should bee foremost, muttering that Tir-Oen for his private grudges had exposed the Nation to ruine, and that the Warre was to himselfe onely necessary, but to them most lamentable. And the Lord Deputy dealt more favourably with these that submitted, neglecting (contrary to promise) such as had fathfull adhered to the Queene. But haply hee judged it expedient for the wounded Common-wealth to bee at rest, least the wounds by the Cure might bleede afresh. Neither was Tir-Oen ignorant that by these ill successes the fidelity of his followers, and withall his Forces, fayled. So as being weary of these disasters, hee resolved to prevent further mischiefe in hope of life, which weakneth the stoutest hearts. Hee sent therefore most humble Letters one after another to the Queene and the Lord Deputy, casting himselfe downe in most submissive manner, and with prayers and teares begged his pardon and gave such signes of penitency for his most grievous offence against God and the Queene, that shee granted the Lord Deputy authority to receive him to mercy and grace, in case that hee should upon his knees before him implore the same with such humility and submission as he professed.